"Ní àfikún, Buhari tí ó ṣe olórí ìjọba ológun ní ọdún (1983 sí 1985) jẹ́ ọ̀kan lára àwọn ọmọ ""ẹgbẹ́"" ọ̀gágun tí ó ti fẹ̀yìntì tí ó ti takú ti ètò òṣèlú orílẹ̀-èdè Nàìjíríà."


Therefore, as harsh as Obasanjo's reprimand might sound, a lot depends on the dynamics of the power block to which they both belong.


Fún ìdí èyí, bí Ọbásanjọ́ ṣe tàbùkù Buhari ní gbangba tó, ó níí ṣe pẹ̀lú agbára àti ipò ẹgbẹ́ tí àwọn méjèèjì wà gẹ́gẹ́ bí ọ̀gágun tí ó ti jagun fẹ̀yìntì.


Obasanjo is not alone, however, in his criticism of Buhari.


Ọbásanjọ́ nìkan sì kọ́ ni ọ̀gágun tí ó ti jagun fẹ̀yìntì tí ó ń tàbùkù Buhari.


"Theophilus Danjuma, a retired general, had in March last year accused ""the Nigerian armed forces of aiding the ongoing killings in Nigeria."""


"Theophilus Danjuma, tí òun náà jẹ́ ọ̀gágun tí ó ti jagun fẹ̀yìntì ní oṣù kẹ́ta ọdún tí ó kọjá fi ẹ̀sùn kan ""ẹgbẹ́ ológun orílẹ̀-èdè Nàìjíríà wípé ó ń gbárùkù ti ìpànìyàn nípakúpa tí ó ń lọ ní orílẹ̀-èdè Nàìjíríà."""


Danjuma, a former chief of army staff and later minister of defense, chastised the military for taking sides in the pastoral/farmer crisis in the country, but especially in his home state of Taraba.


Danjuma, tí ó jẹ olórí àwọn ológun, tí o si tún jẹ́ mínísítà fún ètò abo ní ìgbà kan rí, bu ẹnu àtẹ́ lu ẹgbẹ́ ológun bí wọ́n ṣe ń gbé lẹ́yìn apá kan dá apá kan sí nínú aáwọ̀ tí ó wáyé láàárín àwọn darandaran àti àgbẹ̀, pàápàá jù lọ èyí tí ó wáyé ní ilée rẹ̀ tí í ṣe ìpínlẹ̀ Taraba.


"Similarly, Danjuma recently raised an alarm about plans to use ""the police and soldiers"" to manipulate the 2019 elections."


"Ìrí-bá-kan-náà, Danjuma fi ariwo ta nípa ète bí àwọn ""ọlọ́pàá àti ológun"" ṣe ń gbìmọ̀pọ̀ láti ṣe ẹ̀rú nínú ìbò ọdún 2019."


Similarly, in February last year, former military head of state Ibrahim Babangida publicly advised President Buhari not to stand for re-election, arguing that 21st century Nigeria needs to tap younger generations.


Bákan náà ẹ̀wẹ̀wẹ̀, nínú Oṣù Kejì ọdún tí ó kọjá, ajagun fẹ̀yìntì tí ó tún jẹ́ olórí orílẹ̀-èdè Nàìjíríà láyé ológun, Ibrahim Babangida gba Ààrẹ Buhari ní ìyànjú láti máà du ìje fún ipò Ààrẹ fún ìgbà kejì, nítorí wípé ọgọ́rùn-ún ọdún 21 tí Nàìjíríà wà yìí jẹ́ àsìkò àwọn ọ̀dọ́ tí ó ní ìrírí ìgbàlódé.


"He believes that there ""comes a time in the life of a nation when personal ambition should not override national interest."""


"Ó gbàgbọ́ wípé ìgbàkanìgbàkàn ""ohun tí yóò jẹ́ àǹfààní gbogbo ará ìlú gbọdọ̀ bo orí àǹfààní ti ara ẹni."""


"But it may be a while before Nigeria gets a civilian president who has no links or backing from the retired generals ""club."""


"Pẹ̀lú bí gbogbo nǹkan ṣe ń lọ, yóò fẹ́rẹ̀ẹ́ pẹ́ díẹ̀ kí orílẹ̀-èdè Nàìjíríà ó tó le è ní Ààrẹ tí kò ní nǹkan ṣe pẹ̀lú, tàbí tí kò ní àtìlẹ́yìn ""ẹgbẹ́ "" àwọn ọ̀gágun ajagun fẹ̀yìntì."


An owl refuses to leave Tanzanian parliament. What does it all mean?


Òwìwí kan kọ̀ kò kúrò nínú ilé ìgbìmọ̀ ìjọba Tanzania. Àmìi kí ni èyí?


"Nyerere Square in Dodoma, the capital of Tanzania, and home of the parliament, ""Bunge."""


"Gbàgede Nyerere Square ní Dodoma, olú-ìlú orílẹ̀-èdè Tanzania, àti ilé ìgbìmọ̀ aṣòfin, ""Bunge."""


Photo by Pernille Bærendtsen, used with permission.


Àwòrán láti ọwọ́ọ Pernille Bærendtsen, a lò ó pẹ̀lú àṣẹ.


On January 29, when the Tanzanian parliament (Bunge) assembled in Dodoma for its first session of 2019, an owl flew into the building, perched on the ceiling and observed the assembly from above.


Ní ọjọ́ 29 oṣù Ṣẹrẹ, nígbà tí àwọn àjọ ìjọba Tanzania (Bunge) péjọ ní Dodoma fún ìjókòó ìpàdé tí ó ṣáájú nínú ọdún-un 2019, ẹyẹ òwìwí kan fò wọ inú ilé ìpàdé, ó sì bà sí orí ajá, níbi tí ó ti ń wo ìpéjọ láti òkè téńté.


The incident drew national attention and provoked questions from social media users and newspapers.


Ìṣẹ̀lẹ̀ náà di ìròyìn tí ó sì tàn kálékáko, tí ó sì ń mú àwọn ènìyàn ṣe onírúurú ìbéèrè láti orí ẹ̀rọ-alátagbà àti ìwé ìròyìn.


What could the presence of an owl in parliament mean?


Àpẹẹrẹ wo ni ti òwìwí nínú ilé ìgbìmọ̀ ?


The owl has been spotted twice inside the halls of parliament in the city of Dodoma. What does it seem to signal?


Ẹyẹ òwìwí náà ti jẹ́ rírí nínúu gbọ̀ngan ilé ìgbìmọ̀ ìlú Dodoma ní ẹ̀rìnmejì. Àpẹẹrẹ wo ni èyí túmọ̀ sí?


"""Bad omen?"" the regional weekly, The East African, proposed."


"""Àmì burúkú?"" ìwé ìròyìn ẹkùn-ìlú ọlọ́sẹ̀ọ̀sẹ̀, Ìlà-oòrùn Afrika, dá ìmọ̀ràn."


The British blogger and media analyst, Ben Taylor, went further:


Akọbúlọ́ọ̀gù ọmọ Gẹ̀ẹ́sì àti onímọ̀ kíkún nípa iṣẹ́ ìròyìn, Ben Taylor, sọ síwájú sí i:


Cartoon by Samuel Mwamkinga (Joune), used with permission.


Àwòrán-ẹ̀fẹ̀ láti ọwọ́ọ Samuel Mwamkinga (Joune), a lòó pẹ̀lú àṣẹ.


"Tanzanian cartoonist, Samuel Mwamkinga (Joune), later illustrated the incident with a reference to the British term ""a group of owls"" based on the Greek perception that owls are wise (illustration used with permission)."


"Ayàwòrán-ẹ̀fẹ̀ ọmọ bíbíi Tanzania, Samuel Mwamkinga (Joune), lẹ́yìn wá, ya àpẹẹrẹ àwòrán ìṣẹ̀lẹ̀ náà pẹ̀lú ìtọ́ka sí ìsọlọ́rúkọ ní èdè Gẹ̀ẹ́sì ""àkójọpọ̀ àwọn òwìwí"" látàrí ìmọ̀ àwọn Gíríìkì tí ó ní wípé ọlọ́gbọ́n ni ẹyẹ òwìwí (pẹ̀lú àṣẹ ni a fi lo àwòrán àpẹẹrẹ)."


The owl is, however, seen as an omen of death and misfortune in Tanzania.


Síbẹ̀, ojú nǹkan búburú, àmì ikú àti òfo ní Tanzania ni àwọn ènìyàn fi wò ó.


And - the owl was determined to stay in Bunge, according to The Citizen:


Àti pé - òwìwí náà ti pinnu láti dúró sí Bunge, gẹ́gẹ́ bí Ọmọọ̀lú Náà ti wí:


The owl, a nocturnal bird, could not leave... despite several attempts by parliament officials to evict it.


Òwìwí, ẹyẹ òru, kò le è kúrò... pẹ̀lú gbogbo ọ̀nà tí àwọn àjọ ọba gbà láti lé e jáde.


"Owls are not unusual in Tanzania, and neither is Tanzanians"" inclination toward superstition. A 2010 survey found that 93 percent of Tanzanians believe in witchcraft."


Ẹyẹ òwìwí kì í ṣe ẹyẹ rere ní Tanzania, àti pé, bẹ́ẹ̀ ni Tanzania kì í ní ìgbàgbọ́-asán. Ìwò káàkiri ọdún-un 2010 kan fi hàn wípé ìdá 94 ọmọ bíbí Tanzania ní ìgbàgbọ́ nínú agbára Àjẹ́.


No ordinary parliament session


Ìpàdé ìgbìmọ̀ lásán kọ́


For this particular session, the presence of the owl offered a symbolism, even for the nonsuperstitious, which was too stark to be ignored.


Fún ti ìpàdé yìí, ẹyẹ òwìwí nínúu ìpàdé ní ìtúmọ̀ tí ó ní àpẹẹrẹ, pàápàá fún àwọn tí kò ní ìgbàgbọ́-asán, tí ó le pátápátá láti mú ojú kúrò.


On the agenda for Tanzania's first parliamentary session of 2019 were the proposed amendments of the Political Parties Act, which has followed a months-long, intense debate in an increasingly unstable political climate.


Ní orí ìlànà ètò ìpàdé àkọ́kọ́ ìgbìmọ̀ọ Tanzania ọdún-un 2019 ni ìdámọ̀ràn àtúnṣe sí Òfin Ẹgbẹ́ Òṣèlú, tí ó ti ní àríyànjiyàn lemọ́lemọ́ nínúu ìṣèlú tí nǹkan kò ṣe ẹnu re.


Tanzania made history in 1992 as one of the first countries in Africa to establish a multiparty system, which allowed opposition parties.


Tanzania wọ ìwé ìtàn ní ọdún-un 1992 gẹ́gẹ́ bíi orílẹ̀-èdè àkọ́kọ́ ní Ilẹ̀-adúláwò tí yóò dá ètò ẹgbẹ́ òṣèlú púpọ̀ sílẹ̀, èyí tí ó fi àyè gba ẹgbẹ́ ìkọjúsí.


The Political Parties Act (here with proposed amendments) was also introduced in 1992 and has been amended over time with the latest amendment in 2009.


Òfin Ẹgbẹ́ Òṣèlú náà (rè é níbi pẹ̀lú àtúnṣe tí a gbà ní ìmọ̀ràn) bákan náà di lílò ní ọdún-un 1992, ó sì ti rí àtúnṣe ní ọ̀pọ̀ ìgbà bíi àtúnṣe ti ọdún-un 2009.


With the owl perching above the assembly, Tanzanian parliamentarians agreed to amend the act - a step that critics regard as a serious weakening of the multiparty system in Tanzania, and thus also democracy.


Pẹ̀lú wípé òwìwí wọ̀ sí òkè téńté nínúu ìpàdé, kò dí ìpinnu àwọn ìgbìmọ̀ lọ́wọ́ láti ṣe àtúnṣe sí òfin - ìgbésẹ̀ tí àwọn atàbùkù ní wípé ó sọ ètò ẹgbẹ́ òṣèlú púpọ̀ Tanzania, àti ìjọba tiwantiwa bákan náà di yẹpẹrẹa


In short, the renewal of the act provides more authority to the government-appointed registrar to not only deregister political parties but also to issue punishments in the form of imprisonment if a political party.


Gẹ́gẹ́ bí Reuters ti ṣe wí, ìsọdituntun òfin náà ti fi agbára tí ó pọ̀ sí ọwọ́ àwọn akọ̀wé ìrántí tí ìjọba-yàn láti da ìwé àṣẹ ẹgbẹ́ òṣèlú nù àti láti fi ìyà ìfisẹ́wọ̀n jẹ ẹgbẹ́ olóṣèlú tí ó bá ṣẹ̀ sí òfin.


For instance, carries out civic education related to voter registration and other politically-motivated activities, according to Reuters.


Ní àpẹẹrẹ, bí ó bá ṣe ìdánilẹ́kọ̀ọ́ ìlú tí ó ní í ṣe pẹ̀lú ìforúkọsílẹ̀ òǹdìbò àti àgbékalẹ̀ ètò mìíràn tí ó ní í ṣe pẹ̀lú ìṣèlú.


Several media quoted Zitto Kabwe, leader of the opposition party ACT-Wazalendo, who already back in August 2017 criticized the proposed amendment of the act, predicting it may undermine political rights.


Ọ̀pọ̀ ilé-ìròyìn ni ó ṣe àtúnwí ọ̀rọ̀ Zitto Kabwe, olórí ẹgbẹ́ òṣèlú alátakò ACT-Wazalendo, ẹni tí ó jẹ́ wípé nínú oṣù Ògún ọdún-un 2017 bu ẹnu àtẹ́ lu ìdámọ̀ràn àtúnṣe òfin náà, wípé ó ṣe é ṣe kí ó rọ́ ẹ̀tọ́ òṣèlú sẹ́yìn.


Kabwe then compared it to the Media Services Bill 2016, which set the free and independent media back. Now, Kabwe calls attention to the inherent contradiction caused by the amendment of the Political Parties Act:


Kabwe wá fi wé Àbádòfin Iṣẹ́ Ìròyìn ọdún-un 2016, èyí tí ó fi òmìnira fún ilé iṣẹ́ ìròyìn tí ó sì dá ilé ìròyìn aládàánialáìgbáralé-ìjọba padà. Wàyí, Kabwe pe àkíyèsí sí ìjì lẹ́sẹ̀ tí àtúnṣe Òfin Ẹgbẹ́ Òṣèlú dá sílẹ̀:


You can't have a constitution that allows freedom of association then give someone powers to revoke that freedom of association.


A kò le è ní ìwé-òfin tí ó fi ẹ̀tọ́ fún òmíràn ìkẹ́gbẹ́ kí ó tún wá fún ẹnìkan ní agbára láti mú ẹ̀tọ́ òmìnira ìkẹ́gbẹ́ kúrò.


In recent years, Tanzania has turned increasingly authoritarian in its legislation, resulting in less space for critical political opponents and independent media.


Ní ẹnu ọdún mélòó kan sẹ́yìn, òfin orílẹ̀-èdè Tanzania ti ń yí padà di aláfagbára ṣe, arapa rẹ̀ sì ń fa àìrí àyè fún ẹgbẹ́ òṣèlú mìíràn àti ilé iṣẹ́ ìròyìn aláìgbáralé-ìjọba láti ṣe bí ó ṣe ní abẹ́ òfin.


Now, critics say the amended Political Parties Act will make it more difficult to practice politics that are critical of the president and Chama Cha Mapinduzi (The Party of the Revolution), in power since independence in 1961.


Ní báyìí, àwọn aṣàyẹ̀wò fínnífínní ti sọ wípé àtúnṣe Òfin Ẹgbẹ́ Òṣèlú kò ní mú un rọrùn fún ètò ìṣèlú tí ó jẹ́ pàtàkì fún Ààrẹ àti Chama Cha Mapinduzi (Ẹgbẹ́ Àyípadà Náà), tí ó ti wà ní orí àlééfà láti ìgbà tí òmìnira dé ní ọdún-un 1961.


Opposition is essential for a vibrant democracy. A strong opposition will check up on government and challenge it.


Ìtakò jẹ́ dandanàndan nínú ìjọba tiwantiwa tí ó yé kooro. Alátakò gidi yóò ṣe àyẹ̀wò fínnífínní sí ètò ìjọba, yóò sì pè é ní ìjà.


If there is no opposition, diversity of citizen needs are unlikely to be represented well.


Bí kò bá sí alátakò, ó ṣe é ṣe kí ojú àwọn onírúurú ìyàtọ̀ ohun tí ọmọ-ìlú nílò ó máa jẹ́ ṣíṣe bí ó ti ṣe tọ́.


In 15 tweets, doctoral student Rachel McLellan walked readers through possible consequences of the new act, and characterizes a situation where a critical opposition will find itself cornered:


Nínú túwíìtì 15, akẹ́kọ̀ọ́ ìmọ̀ ìṣègùn Rachel McLellan la àwọn ènìyàn ní òye nípa èrèdíi òfin tuntun náà, àti irú ibi tí ìtako tí ó mú ọpọlọ dání yóò ti wúlò:walked readers through possible consequences of the new act, and characterizes a situation where a critical opposition will find itself cornered:


Superstitious or not - those critical of Tanzania's authoritarian turn found some wicked relief in the presence of the owl and the unsuccessful attempts to chase it away.


Ìgbàgbọ́-asán ni tàbí bẹ́ẹ̀ kọ́ - àwọn tí ó ń ṣe àgbéyẹ̀wò ìṣèjọba àfagbáraṣe orílẹ̀-èdè Tanzania rí ìdánilójú awuyewuye wọn pẹ̀lú ti ẹyẹ òwìwí tí ó wọ inú ilé ìgbìmọ̀ àti ìgbésẹ̀ gbogbo láti lé e dánú àmọ́ tí kò bọ́ sí i.


The owl remained. Speaker of the Parliament, Job Ndugai, tried to tweak traditional belief with a pragmatic explanation:


Òwìwí náà ta kété. Agbẹnusọ Ìgbìmọ̀, Job Ndugai, gbìyànjú láti yí ìgbàgbọ́ ìbílẹ̀ padà pẹ̀lú àlàyé tí ó ní iyè nínú:


Honourable Members of Parliament, we have been seeing an owl in this House since morning but in the tradition of people of Dodoma, an owl that is seen during daytime cannot have any effect on anyone.


Ẹ̀yin Ọmọ Ìgbìmọ̀ Ọlọ́lá, a ti ń rí ẹyẹ òwìwí kan nínú Ilé yìí láti òwúrọ̀ àmọ́ nínú ìgbàgbọ́ ìbílẹ̀ Dodoma, òwìwí tí a bá rí ní ojú-ọjọ́ kò ní ohunkóhun ń ṣe fún ẹnikẹ́ni.


This means that we have nothing to worry about its presence.


Èyí jásí wípé kò sí ìbẹ̀rù.


For the critical, however, there is nothing pragmatic about the new act.


Fún àwọn tí ó ń wá àṣìṣe, síbẹ̀, kò sí ohun tí ó ní iyè nínú nípa òfin tuntun náà.


With tensions rising ahead of 2019 presidential elections, Nigerians fear internet shutdown


Pẹ̀lú àìbalẹ̀-ọkàn tí ó ń pọ̀ sí i ní ìmúra ìbò ààrẹ ọdún-un 2019, Ọmọ orílẹ̀-èdè Nàìjíríà ń bẹ̀rùu pípa ẹ̀rọ-ayélujára


Fears of an internet shutdown in Nigeria looms as tensions continue to rise ahead of 2019 presidential elections.


Ìbẹ̀rùbojo gba orílẹ̀-èdè Nàìjíríà kan látàrí awuyewuye pé ó ṣe é ṣe kí ẹ̀rọ ayélukára-bí-ajere ó di pípa ní àsìkò ìbò ààrẹ ọdún-un 2019.


Fear has spread across Nigeria that the government may switch off the internet during the presidential elections in February 2019.


Ẹ̀rù ti ń tàn ká orílẹ̀-èdè Nàìjíríà wípé ó ṣe é ṣe kí ìjọba ó pa ẹ̀rọ-ayélujára ní àsìkò ìbò ààrẹ nínú oṣù Èrèlé ọdún-un 2019.


What started as mere speculation has morphed into intense worry as election day approaches. Yomi Kamez of Quartz Africa explains:


Ohun tí ó bẹ̀rẹ̀ bí àhesọ lásán ti ń di ohun tí ó ń gbé àwọn ènìyàn ní ọkàn bí ìbò ṣe ń sún mọ́lé. Yomi Kamez ti Quartz Africa ṣàlàyé:


You can tell fears of an internet shutdown are running high in a country when citizens are looking into methods of staying online in case of a blockage.


A lè sọ wípé ìbẹ̀rùbojo nípa pípa ẹ̀rọ-ayélujára ń gbilẹ̀ sí i ní orílẹ̀-èdè tí àwọn ọmọ-ìlú ń wá ìlànà tí yóò mú wọn wà ní orí ayélukára-bí-ajere bí ìdígàgá bá wáyé.


This past weekend, Quartz Africa's guide to staying online during internet or social media blockages was our most read story, driven entirely by traffic from Nigeria.


Ní ìsinmi tí ó kọjá lọ, ìtọ́sọ́nà bí a ṣe lè wà ní orí ayélukára-bí-ajere ti Quartz Africa kó jọ bí ìdígàgá ẹ̀rọ-ayélujára tàbí ẹ̀rọ-alátagbà bá wáyé ni ìròyìn-in wá tí àwọn òǹkàròyìn kà jù lọ, tí ọ̀pọ̀ sì jẹ́ ọmọ orílẹ̀-èdè Nàìjíríà.


Scores of people shared concerns on social media at the possibility Nigeria might follow other African countries [like Sudan, Zimbabwe] that have taken to blocking social media or shut down the internet altogether under the guise of security concerns.


Ọ̀gọ̀rọ̀ ènìyàn ni ó sọ ní orí ẹ̀rọ-alátagbà wípé a kì í ṣe é mọ̀, Nàìjíríà lè tọ ipa ẹsẹ̀ àwọn orílẹ̀-èdè Adúláwọ̀ [bíi Sudan, Zimbabwe] tí ìjọba ti dígàgá ẹ̀rọ-alátagbà tàbí pa ẹ̀rọ-ayélujára ní àpapọ̀ ní ìrí ọ̀ràn ààbò.


Recent events related to social media, hate speech, an unjust judiciary firing and replacement, and the breaking down of trust in the media have all contributed to the growing collective concern.


Àwọn ìṣẹ̀lẹ̀ tí ó jẹ́ mọ́n ẹ̀rọ-alátagbà, ọ̀rọ̀ ìkórìíra, ìdádúró lẹ́nu iṣẹ́ àti ìrọ́pò adájọ́, àti àìgbàgbọ́ nínú ilé iṣẹ́ ìròyìn ni ó parapọ̀.


De-fanging the judiciary and rule of law


Yíyọ-eyín onídàájọ́ àti ìdọ́gba lábẹ́ òfin


On January 25, 2019, Nigerians were shocked by President Muhammadu Buhari's unilateral suspension of the Chief Justice of Nigeria Justice Walter Onnoghen, and the immediate appointment and swearing in of Justice Ibrahim Tanko Muhammad, as the acting Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN).


Ní ọjọ́ 25, oṣù Ṣẹrẹ ọdún-un 2019, ìyàlẹ́nu ni ó jẹ́ fún ọmọ orílẹ̀-èdè Nàìjíríà nígbà tí Ààrẹ Muhammad Buhari ní òun nìkan dá Adájọ́ Àgbà Orílẹ̀-èdè Nàìjíríà, Onídàájọ́ Walter Onnoghen dúró ní ẹnu iṣẹ́, tí ó sì yan ẹlòmíràn ní kíákíá, ìyẹn Ibrahim Tanko Muhammad ẹni tí a búra fún gẹ́gẹ́ bíi aṣiṣẹ́ bíi Adájọ́ Àgbà Orílẹ̀-èdè Nàìjíríà (CJN).


Onnoghen had been charged with financial negligence and fraud.


Ẹ̀sùn àìbìkítà àti ìṣowó-ìlú-mọ́kumọ̀ku ni a fi kan Onnoghen.


However, many critics say these charges were a ploy to gag the judiciary ahead of the elections and intimidate other arms of government.


Síbẹ̀, àwọn alátakò sọ wípé ẹ̀sùn wọ̀nyí jẹ́ ìgbésẹ̀ láti di àjọ onídàájọ́ ní ẹnu ní ìpalẹ̀mọ́ ìbò, àti dáyàfo ẹ̀ka ìjọba tí ó kù.


The suspension of Onnoghen contradicts the provisions of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria for the removal of judicial officers.


Ìdádúróo Onnoghen ta ìpá sí òfin Orílẹ̀-èdè Nàìjíríà ọdún-un 1999 fún ìyọkúrò àwọn adájọ́ .


The Third Schedule, Part 1 of the 1999 Constitution states that only the National Judicial Council (NJC) has the power to recommend removals from office. Part IV of the Constitution further reiterates this law.


Àlàálẹ̀ Ìkẹta, Apá 1, ti ìwé òfin ọdún-un 1999 sọ wípé Àjọ Onídàájọ́ (NJC) nìkan ni ó ní àṣẹ láti lè rọ adájọ́ ní oyè. Apá IV ìwé òfin náà túbọ̀ sọ síwájú nípa òfin yìí.


Nigerian President Muhammadu Buhari did not apply these principles.


Ààrẹ orílẹ̀-èdè Nàìjíríà Muhammadu Buhari kò tẹ̀lé àwọn àlàálẹ̀ wọ̀nyí.


He usurped the powers of the NJC which is constitutionally mandated to recommend such removals from the judiciary or Senate (upper house of parliament) which must then ratify such decisions.


Ó fi ipá gba agbára lọ́wọ́ NJC tí ó ní àṣẹ ní abẹ́ òfin láti sọ bóyá kí a rọ adájọ́ tàbí aṣojú-ṣòfin (ilé ìgbìmọ̀ àgbà) ní oyè, tí yóò sì fi ohùn sí irúfẹ́ ìgbésẹ̀ náà.


The president's action was both tyrannical and lawless.


Ìwà ìfagbáraṣèjọba ni ààrẹ hù, bẹ́ẹ̀ ni kò sì bá òfin mú.


An editorial in Punch newspaper described Buhari's action as dictatorial and capable of precipitating a constitutional crisis:


Ìrò olóòtú ìwé ìròyìn Punch pe ìhùwàsíi Buhari gẹ́gẹ́ bíi ti apàṣẹ-wàá àti pé ìwà náà lè fa rògbòdìyàn-an ti òfin:


Buhari's action is vile, perfidious and indefensible.


Ìhùwàsíi Buhari burú jáyì, ó ní ẹ̀tàn nínú, kò sì ní orí kò sì ní ìdí.


It is an action only fit for jackboot regimes, where the constitution could easily be suspended...


Ìwà àkóso ìjọba fàmílétèntutọ́, tí ìwé òfin lè di ìfọwọ́rọ́tìsẹ́gbẹ̀ẹ́...


Needless to say, the president's singular and misguided action has the tendency to plunge the country into an unnecessary constitutional crisis and, perhaps, derail 20 unbroken years of democratic governance.


Ní ti òtítọ́, ìwà àdánìkanṣe ààrẹ lè da ìwé òfin orílẹ̀-èdè Nàìjíríà rú yányán, bóyá, ó lè da ìrìnàjò ogún ọdún ìjọba tiwantiwa rú.


This is not unlike other despotic and undemocratic acts that the government has been associated with in the past, even if it might be considered more audacious, far-reaching and probably unexpected.


Èyí kò yàtọ̀ sí àwọn ìwà ìfagbáraṣèjọba àti ìtàpá sí ìjọba àwa-arawa tí a ti mọ ìṣàkóso ìjọba náà mọ́n, kódà bí a bá kà á sí ìwàa kò kàn mí, tí ó nípa tí ó pọ̀ àti tí a kò lérò.


The governments of the United States and the United Kingdom also condemned the attack on the judiciary.


Ìjọba orílẹ̀-èdè Amẹ́ríkà àti United Kingdom náà sọ̀rọ̀ òdì sí ìdìgbòlùu àjọ onídàájọ́.


On Twitter, netizens echoed the message.


Ní oríi gbàgede ẹ̀rọ-alátagbà Twitter, àwọn ènìyàn ń sọ.


"Tackling hate speech is the new ""national security"" mantra"


"Ìgbógunti ọ̀rọ̀ ìkórìíra ni gbólóhùn tuntun ""ààbò orílẹ̀-èdè"""


Another sign of a possible internet shut down is the government's tendency to control free speech online on the basis of concerns for national security.


Àmì mìíràn tí ó ń tọ́ka sí wípé ó lè bọ́ sí kí wọn ó ti ayélujára pa ni èròńgbà ìjọba láti pa òmìnira ọ̀rọ̀ sísọ orí ayélujára mọ́n ní ìbámu pẹ̀lú dídáàbobo orílẹ̀-èdè.


"Recently, the government directed security agencies to ""tackle the propagation of hate speech, especially through social media."""


"Ní kò pẹ́ kò pẹ́, ìjọba pa àṣẹ fún àwọn agbófinró láti ""wá wọ̀rọ̀kọ̀ fi ṣ'àdá lórí ọ̀rọ̀ ìkórìíra, pàápàá ní orí ẹ̀rọ-alátagbà."""


"This, according to reports by the Cable, will be achieved by monitoring social media accounts of ""prominent Nigerians."""


"Èyí, gẹ́gẹ́ bí ìròyìn láti ọwọ́ọ Cable ti ṣe sọ, yóò jẹ́ mímú ṣẹ nípasẹ̀ ṣíṣe alamí aṣàmúlò ẹ̀rọ-alátagbà ""ọmọ orílẹ̀-èdè Nàìjíríà tí ó lókìkí."""


In July last year, Nigerian Minister of Information Lai Mohammed described the growing level of fake news and hate speech in the country as a threat to national security.


Nínúu oṣù Agẹmọ ọdún-un tí ó kọ́ja, Olórí Ẹ̀ka tí ó ń rí sí Ètò Gbígbé Ọ̀rọ̀ Síta fún Orílẹ̀-èdè Nàìjíríà Láí Mohammed ní wípé ewu ńlá ni ìbísí àhesọ ìròyìn àti ọ̀rọ̀ ìkórìíra tí ó ń gbilẹ̀ yóò mú bá ààbò orílẹ̀-èdè.


"A year earlier, Nasir El-Rufai, governor of Kaduna State, described fake news and hate speech as the ""biggest threat"" to national security."


"Ní ọdún méjì sẹ́yìn, Nasir El-Rufai, gómìnà ìpínlẹ̀ Kaduna, sọ wípé àhesọ àti ọ̀rọ̀ ìkórìíra jẹ́ ""ìṣòro ńlá"" tí ó lè fa ìfọ̀kànbalẹ̀, ààbò ẹ̀mí àti dúkìá orílẹ̀-èdè yà."


However, it is ironic that both Lai and El-Rufai are now concerned about fake news and hate speech as a national security threat.


Bí ó ti wù kí ó rí, pẹ̀lú ẹ̀gàn ni ó jẹ́ pé ọ̀ràn-an àhesọ àti ọ̀rọ̀ ìkórìíra kan Lai àti El-Rufai gẹ́gẹ́ bíi ìṣòro ààbò orílẹ̀-èdè Nàìjíríà.


As opposition politicians, they both made unsubstantiated accusations to the former government.


Bí olóṣèlú ẹgbẹ́ alátakò, àwọn méjèèjì kò ní ẹ̀rí tí ó dájú tí yóò fi ìdí ẹ̀sùn tí ó fi kan ìjọba àná múlẹ̀.


"For instance, Nassir El-Rufai, current governor of Kaduna State alleged in 2014 - without evidence - that he was ""number 7 on [President Jonathan Goodluck's] sniper's list."""


"Fún àpẹẹrẹ, Nassir El-Rufai, gómìnà ìpínlẹ̀ẹ Kaduna lọ́wọ́lọ́wọ́ tẹnu mọ́ ọn ní ọdún-un 2014 - láìsí ẹ̀rí - wípé ""ẹni kéje ni òun jẹ́ nínú àwọn tí [Ààrẹ Jónátàànì Goodluck] fẹ́ ṣe ikú pa ."""


El-Rufai also claimed that Goodluck, then president, was a sponsor of the Boko Haram militant group. Similar claims were made by Lai Mohammed, who was then the National Publicity Secretary of APC.


El-Rufai tún sọ wípé nígbà tí Goodluck ń tu ọkọ̀ gẹ́gẹ́ bí ààrẹ, jẹ́ agbátẹrù ẹgbẹ́ apani-ní- ìfọnná-finṣu Boko Haram. Bẹ́ẹ̀ náà ni Láí Mohammed tí ó ti ṣe Akọ̀wé Alukoro Orílẹ̀-èdè rí fún ẹgbẹ́ òṣèlú APC ti ṣe sọ.


As opposition politicians, these officials have in fact been proven to be purveyors of fake news and hate speech, using social media to devastating effects.


Gẹ́gẹ́ bíi olóṣèlú alátakò, àwọn òṣìṣẹ́ ọba ti fi hàn wípé àwọn gan-an ni adárúgúdù tí ó ń dá àhesọ àti ọ̀rọ̀ ìkórìíra sílẹ̀, tí ó ń lo ẹ̀rọ-alátagbà fi dá rúgúdù sílẹ̀.


But their actions were never considered a threat to national security; they were neither arrested nor was the internet shut down for this reason.


Àmọ́ wọn kò rí ìwàa wọn gẹ́gẹ́ bíi ewu fún ààbò àti àlàáfíà orílẹ̀-èdè; wọn kò di ẹni à ń fi ọwọ́ọ ṣìgún òfin mú tàbí mú kí a pa ayélujára nítorí ìwàa wọn.


Social media and elections in Nigeria


Ẹ̀rọ-alátagbà àti ìbò orílẹ̀-èdè Nàìjíríà


Movements like the 2012 #OccupyNigeria and the 2014 #BringBackOurGirls gained global acclaim due to social media usage in Nigeria.


Ìjà fún ìyàtọ̀ ìgbé-ayé ní orílẹ̀-èdè Nàìjíríà ọdún-un 2012 #OccupyNigeria àti ìpolongo ọdún-un 2014 #BringBackOurGirls mi gbogbo àgbáyé tìtì nítorí wípé àwọn ènìyàn ṣe àmúlò ẹ̀rọ-alátagbà fún ìpolongo ẹ̀dùn ọkàn-an wọn.


In 2015, social media played an important role in Nigeria's elections when Twitter became a bitter and divisive battleground during campaign season and was used to propagate hate speech and disinformation.


Ní ọdún-un 2015, ẹ̀rọ-alátagbà kó ipa ribiribi nínú ìbò orílẹ̀-èdè Nàìjíríà nígbà tí Twitter di ibi ìkorò àti gbàgede ìjà ìpínyà ní àsìkò ìpolongo, a sì mú u lò fún ìtànká ọ̀rọ̀ ìkórìíra àti ìròyìn tí kò ní òtítọ́ kan nínú.


This year, it has already played a major role as the medium of choice for political participation by Nigeria's energetic youth population.


Ní ọdún tí a wà yìí, ó ti ṣe ojúṣe gẹ́gẹ́ bíi ọ̀nà kan tí àwọn ọ̀dọ́ọ Nàìjíríà yàn láti ní ẹnu nínú ọ̀rọ̀ ìṣèlú.


Netizens have used social media to call attention to despotic government actions like the sacking of the CJN, that otherwise would have gone unnoticed by the general public.


Àwọn tí ó ń lo ẹ̀rọ-ayárabíaṣá ti ṣe àmúlò ẹ̀rọ-alátagbà láti fi pe ìjọba sí àkíyèsí, bíi ti ìdádúró-lẹ́nu-iṣẹ́ ti CJN, bí bẹ́ẹ̀ kọ́, kò bá ti máà jẹ́ mímọ̀ fún ọmọ ìlú.


Nigerians took to social media to note their displeasure, mount pressure on the government to rescind its action and mobilize protests:


Àwọn ọmọ bíbí orílẹ̀-èdè Nàìjíríà fi orí ẹ̀rọ-alátagbà sọ ohun tí ó ń gbé wọn ní ọkàn, bẹ́ẹ̀ náà ni wọ́n lò ó fi yọ ìjọba lẹ́nu láti pa èròńgbàa rẹ̀ tì àti fún ìfẹ̀hónúhàn:


Whether or not the internet holds steady during elections, there is strong reason to believe that political speech online and on the street will be a target of government scrutiny.


Bó yá ayélujára wà ní àsìkò ìbò tàbí kò ní í wà, ìdí tí ó dájú ń bẹ láti ní ìgbàgbọ́ wípé ọ̀rọ̀ òṣèlú ní orí ayélukára-bí-ajere àti ní ojú òpópónà yóò jẹ́ ohun tí ìjọba yóò fi ojú sí.


Who will win Trinidad & Tobago Carnival's 2019 Road March?


Ta ni yóò jáwé olúborí nínú Ayẹyẹ ijó ìta-gbangba orílẹ̀-èdè Trinidad àti Tobago ọdún-un 2019?


"A carnival masquerader ""jumps up"" to soca music on stage at the Queen's Park Savannah, on Carnival Tuesday, 2009."


Aparadà ijó ìta-gbangba kan fò sókè sí orin soca ní orí ìtàgé ní Queen's Park Savannah, ní Ijó ìta-gbangba ọjọ́ Ìṣẹ́gun, ọdún-un 2009.


Photo by Georgia Popplewell, used with permission.


Àwòrán láti ọwọ́ọ Georgia Popplewell, a lò ó pẹ̀lú àṣẹ.


When revelers take to the streets each year for Trinidad and Tobago Carnival, they do so with a soundtrack.


Àwọn alárìíyá máa ń gba títì kan ní ọdọọdún fún Ijó ìta-gbangba Ijó ìta-gbangba Trinidad àti Tobago, tí wọn ń ṣe pẹ̀lú orin.


Their playlist is always an energetic mix of that year's hottest soca music hits, but the Road March - the song that is played the most at specified judging points along the parade route - is a title that comes with both a valuable prize package and the prestige of being part of a proud history.


Àwọn àṣàyàn orin tí wọ́n máa ń jó sí máa ń jẹ́ àkójọpọ̀ orin soca tí ó mi ìgboro títì nínú ọdún yẹn, àmọ́ Ìwọ́de Ojúnà - orin náà tí máa ń jẹ́ jíjó jù lọ ní àwọn ibi kọ̀ọ̀kan ní ojú ọ̀nà ìyíde - jẹ́ oyè tí ó mú ẹ̀bùn àti iyì ìgbélárugẹ àjogúnbá ohun àtijọ́.


For most soca performers, the appeal of winning the Road March is, quite literally, street cred.


Fún àwọn òṣèré soca, kí ni kan ní í máa mú ni jáwé olúborí nínú Ìwọ́de Ojúnà, kò ju, dídáńgájíá ní oríi òpópónà.


"Claims in the last decade or so of the competition being rigged - ostensibly by a group of powerful radio station owners, DJs and music industry executives known as the ""soca mafia"" - have not eroded the belief that the Road March represents the voice of the people."


"Ní ọdún mẹ́wàá sẹ́yìn tàbí nnkan bẹ́ẹ̀ ni wọ́n sọ pé ìdíje náà ní màgòmágó nínú - pẹ̀lu ìlọ́wọ́sí àwọn alẹ́nulọ́rọ̀ tí ó ni ilé iṣẹ́ ìgbóhùnsáfẹ́fẹ́, afiorin-tí-a-ti-ká-sílẹ̀ dá àwọn ènìyàn lára dá àti àwọn aláṣẹ ilé iṣẹ́ orin kíkọ tí a mọ̀ sí ""jàndùkú soca"" - kò ì yọ́ ìgbàgbọ́ wípé Ìwọ́de Ojúnà jẹ́ ohun àwọn ènìyàn."


"Soca star Machel Montano, who has won the coveted Road March title a whopping nine times thus far, describes it as ""the song that make[s] the people feel the most vibes and come out of themselves"" - and which artist wouldn't want to lay claim to that?"


"Ìràwọ̀ òṣèrée soca Machel Montano, ẹni tí ó ṣe ojúkòkòrò jáwé olúborí nínú Ìwọ́de Ojúnà ní ẹ̀rìnmẹ́sàn-án, ṣe àpèjúwe rẹ̀ gẹ́gẹ́ bí ""orin tí ó máa ń mú àwọn ènìyàn ní ìdùnnú àti tí máa ń mú àwọn ènìyàn jáde nínú ara wọn"" - akọrin wo ni kò ní fẹ́ gba irú oyè bẹ́ẹ̀?"


But don't be fooled into thinking that the road to the Road March is solely based on creative merit.


Àmọ́ kí ẹnikẹ́ni máà rò wípé iṣẹ́ ọpọlọ nìkan ni ìrìnàjò sí Ìwọ́de Ojúnà.


A Road March song must have certain key ingredients to even be in the running:


Orin Ìwọ́de Ojúnà gbọdọ̀ ní àwọn èròjà tí ó ṣe kókó nínú kí ó tó lè kópa:


"1. A danceable, yet powerful melody that makes people want to ""break away"" on stage, with lyrics that capture the feelings of joyful release and abandon that Carnival represents."


"1. Ó gbọdọ̀ ṣe é jó sí, síbẹ̀ ó ní láti dùn ún ní etí àwọn ènìyàn tí yóò ""mú wọn gbàgbé ara"" ní orí ìtàgé, pẹ̀lú ọ̀rọ̀ orin tí yóò mú ayọ̀ jáde, èyí tí a mọ Ijó ìta-gbangba mọ́."


2. A refrain that the audience can echo, in the call and response tradition of the calinda, from which calypso - and its modern-day hybrid, soca - originated.


2. Ègbè tí àwọn òǹwòran lè kọ tẹ̀lé orin, ní ìdásí àti ìdáhùn tí í ṣe àṣà calinda, tí calypso - àti àdàlù ìgbàlódé, soca - ti wáyé.


3. A well-timed release.


3. Orin tí a gbé jáde ní ìgbà tí ó yẹ.


If a song peaks too early in the season and doesn't have staying power, competing tunes can usurp its position.


Bí orín bá tètè jáde, tí kò sí dúró pẹ́ títí ní ìgboro, orin mìíràn tí ó ń bá a figagbága lè rọ́ ọ sí ẹ̀gbẹ́.


Conversely, if a great tune is released too late, masqueraders may not have enough time to get familiar with it during pre-Carnival events.


Ní ọ̀nà mìíràn, bí orin tí ó dára gan-an bá pẹ́ jù kí ó tó jáde, àwọn ayírapadà lè máà ní àyè tí ó tó fún wọn láti mọ ọ̀rọ̀ orin náà ní ìgbáradì kí ọjọ́ Ijó ìta-gbangba ó tó dé.


Sometimes, the Road March contest has a clear favourite that never gets challenged; at others, the competition is so stiff that it's simply too close to call.


Ní ìgbà mìíràn ẹ̀wẹ̀wẹ̀, ìdíje Ìwọ́de Ojúnà máa ń ní orin àyànfẹ́ tí kò ní afigagbága rárá; kò sí rí bẹ́ẹ̀ nígbà mìíràn, ìfigagbága náà máa ń le dé ibi wípé ó máa ń ṣòro láti yan olúborí.


In no particular order, here are some the songs that we think are the biggest contenders for Trinidad and Tobago Carnival's 2019 Road March...


Láì wípé ọ̀kan ju ọ̀kan lọ, àwọn wọ̀nyí ni orin tí a rò wípé yóò figagbága nínú Ijó ìta-gbangba Ìwọ́de Ojúnà Trinidad àti Tobago ọdún-un 2019...


"1. ""Savannah Grass"" by Kes"


"1. ""Savannah Grass"" láti ọwọ́ọ Kes"


The Queen's Park Savannah, an oasis of green space in the middle of Trinidad's capital, is the hub of the country's Carnival celebrations and home to the festival's main stage.


Pápáa Queen's Park Savannah, ibi tí ó ní ewéko bíi kàá-sí-nǹkan ní àárín gbùngbùn olú ìlú Trinidad, ni ibi tí ayẹyẹ Ijó ìta-gbangba àti ilé ìtàgé àjọ̀dún náà.


This song perfectly captures the significance of the space, and the memories it has helped create for masqueraders through the years.


Orin yìí dá lóríi agbègbè ayẹyẹ náà, àti ìrántí tí ó ti mú bá àwọn ayírapadà tí ó ti ń kópa láti ọdúnmọ́dún.


There is a reverence about the tune: as if the Savannah is the sun at the centre of the Carnival universe and everything else just has the privilege of revolving around it.


Orin náà ń fi ọ̀wọ̀ wọ agbègbè náà: bí ẹni wípé Agbègbè Papa náà ni oòrùn ní àárín àgbá-ńlá Ijó ìta-gbangba àti ohun tí ó kù ń yí i ká.


"""Savannah Grass"" is an invitation to experience this magical world."


"""Savannah Grass"" jẹ́ ìpè sí ìrírí idán ayée àjọ̀dún yìí."


Oxymoronically, the loose steadiness of the percussion is a nod to both the regimented dedication of Carnival lovers and their easygoing way of enjoying themselves.


Bẹ́ẹ̀ kọ́, àmọ́ bẹ́ẹ̀ náà ni, ìlù orin náà ba orin náà mú gẹ́gẹ́ bí àwọn olólùfẹ́ẹ Ijó ìta-gbangba tí ó máa ń gbádùn un Ijó ìta-gbangba ṣe máa ń fẹ́ ẹ.


"The tune is both melodious and energetic, with a pace that makes it a good song for ""chipping"" (the light shuffle step with which masqueraders walk/dance down the road)."


Orin náà dún dáadáa ní etí àti pé ó mú èèyàn gbàgbé ara rẹ̀, ní ọ̀nà tí ó ń mú kí àwọn ayírapadà ó máa gbé ẹsẹ̀ ní ọ̀kọ̀ọ̀kan bí wọ́n ṣe ń rìn/jó ní ojú ọ̀nà.


By its clever incorporation of archival Carnival footage, the official video further elevates the genius of the song by showing how it seamlessly spans generations and builds on the foundation blocks of calypso to produce a fresh soca offering.


Orin náà ṣe àmúlò àti àfikún àwòrán ìlànà Ijó ìta-gbangba bí a ti ṣe mọ̀ ọ́ ni ìgbà-dé-ìgbà, fídíò orin náà túbọ̀ ṣe àfihàn ìdàgbàsókè orin soca láti ìpilẹ̀ṣẹ̀ tí í ṣe orin calypso.


"Even if it does not win Road March (though it has a very good chance!), ""Savannah Grass"" will go down in the annals of soca music as one of the timeless tunes that stir the emotions of Carnival lovers everywhere."


"Bí kò bá ti ẹ̀ jáwé olúborí nínú ìdíje Ìwọ́de Ojúnà (bí ó ti lẹ̀ jé pé ó ní àyè tí ó pọ̀!), ""Savannah Grass"" yóò wà nínú àkópamọ́ orin soca gẹ́gẹ́ bí orin ìgbà-dé-ìgbà tí ó mú inú àwọn olólùfẹ́ẹ Ijó ìta-gbangba ní ibi gbogbo dùn."


"2. ""Rag Storm"" by Super Blue, featuring 3 Canal"


"2. ""Rag Storm"" láti ọwọ́ọ Super Blue, pẹ̀lú àjọṣepọ̀ 3 Canal"


"An interesting idiosyncrasy of ""playing mas'"" and dancing to soca music is that somehow, people's hands go up in the air, usually with whatever they are holding at the moment, from drinks to facecloths."


"Ìwà tí ó dùn mọ́ni ti ""playing mas'"" àti jíjó sí orin ni wípé ní bákan, àwọn èèyàn máa ń ju ọwọ́ sí òkè, pẹ̀lú ohunkóhun tí wọ́n bá mú ní ọwọ́, títì kan ohun-mímu àti aṣọ inujú."


"Colloquially called ""rags,"" these come in handy for soaking up the sweat while ""jumping up."" The practice was not lost on Super Blue, who wrote a song called ""Get Something and Wave,"" that won the 1991 Road March."


"Aṣọ inujú yìí ni wọ́n máa ń pè ní ""àkísà,"" èyí tí wọn máa fi ń nu àágùn bí wọ́n bá ń ""fò sókè."" Ìlànà Ijó ìta-gbangba náà kò sọnù ní ara Super Blue, ẹni tí ó kọ ""Get Something and Wave,"" orin tí ó jáwé olúborí nínú Ìwọ́de Ojúnà ọdún-un 1991."


"He echoed the concept a few years later with ""Bacchanal Time,"" in which he commanded masqueraders to ""start to wave"" as the brass section played the familiar ""F-jam"" or ""tantana"" melody in the background."


"Ó fọnrere àtinúdá náà ní ọdún tí ó tẹ̀lé oyè tí ó gbà pẹ̀lú ""Bacchanal Time,"" tí ó pa àṣẹ fún àwọn ayírapadà láti máa ""fi ọwọ́ "" bí àwọn afọnfèrè brass ṣe ń kọrin ""F-jam"" tí gbogbo ènìyàn mọ̀ tàbí ""tantana"" tí ó ń dún ní abẹ́lẹ̀."


"Super Blue had come up with a formula for the type of song that worked on the road: he won again in 1995 with his ode to cricketer Brian Lara, in which he directed his audience to ""raise yuh bat and party."""


"Super Blue tí ṣe àgbékalẹ̀ ìlànà fún irúfẹ́ orin kan tí ó dára fún ojú ọ̀nà: ó tún jáwé olúborí ní èèkàn sí i ní ọdún-un 1995 pẹ̀lú orin-in rẹ̀ ewì sí agbábọ́ọ̀lù kríkẹ́ẹ̀tì Brian Lara, tí ó pa á ní àṣẹ fún àwọn olùwòran láti ""na pátákóo wọn sí òkè kí wọn ó ṣe àríyá."""


"""Rag Storm"" has many of those same elements - the lavway-type call-and-response, with a wild aerobic pace that encourages frenzied rag-waving."


"""Ìjì Àkísà"" ní àwọn ohun tí ó mú soca yàtọ̀ - bíi irúfẹ́ lavway ìpè-àti-ìfèsì, pẹ̀lú àyè tí ó fẹ́ fún àwọn ènìyàn láti fi àkísà."


"It's a great song for the stage as masqueraders break loose and ""play themselves,"" and may very well prove to be one to beat in this year's Road March race."


"Orin tí ó dára lórí ìtàgé fún àwọn ayírapadà láti tú ara sílẹ̀ àti ""ṣeré tìkára wọn,"" lè fi hàn kedere wípé kò kì í ń ṣe wàsá láti fi ọwọ́ rọ́ sí ẹ̀gbẹ́ nínú ìdíje Ìwọ́de Ojúnà ti ọdún nìí."


"3. ""Famalay"" by Machel Montano, Bunji Garlin and Skinny Fabulous"


"3. ""Famalay"" lọ́wọ́ọ Machel Montano, Bunji Garlin àti Skinny Fabulous"


If there's one song that's aggressively going after the Road March title this year, it's this big tune that has several winning ingredients:


Bí ó bá ní orin kan tí ń fi gbogbo ọ̀nà wá oyè Ìwọ́de Ojúnà ti ọdún yìí, ni orin yìí tí ó ní àyè láti jáwé olúborí:


"a driving ""power soca"" beat, strong lyrics that capture the essence of the unity of the festival, and a clever hook that appeals to the tribal facet of Carnival - going everywhere with your crew, or as Trinbagonians say, your ""famalay"" (not to be confused with ""family""):"


"ìlù ""soca tí ó tani jí,"" ọ̀rọ̀ orin tí ó sọ nípa ìṣọ̀kan tí àjọ̀dún náà máa ń mú wá, àti ègbé ọlọ́pọlọ tí ó kó gbogbo ẹ̀yà tí ó ń kópa nínú Ijó ìta-gbangba náà pọ̀ - tí ó ń bá òṣìṣẹ́ akọrin kiri, tàbí bí àwọn ọmọ ìbílẹ̀ Trinbago ṣe máa ń sọ, ""famalay"" rẹ (kí a máà ṣèṣì fi wé ""ẹbí""):"


Well, let me tell you one time, famalay is famalay and that different from bloodline


Ṣé ẹ rí i , ẹ jẹ́ kí n sọ fún un yín ní ẹ̀rìnkan sí i, famalay ni famalay ń jẹ́ àti pé ó yàtọ̀ sí ẹbí tí ènìyàn ti wá


Some say them is blood but them don't want to see the sunshine


Àwọn kan ní ẹ̀jẹ̀ ni àmọ́ wọn kò fẹ́ rí oòrùn


"Famalay doh ever ""fraid to have your back at all time..."


Famalay kì í bẹ̀rù láyé láti tì ọ́ lẹ́yìn ní ìgbà gbogbo...


"Without giving instructions (with the exception of one verse in which Skinny sings ""show me yuh hand"" and ""come follow me""), the song achieves an almost militaristic sense of purpose."


"Láì pa àṣẹ (yàtọ̀ sí abala kan tí Skinny kọ ""fi ọwọ́ọ̀ rẹ hàn mí"" àti ""wá tẹ̀lé mi,"" orin náà dàbí orin ológun."


Its sweet soca hook, peppered with the occasional dancehall-inspired lyrical improvisation, has been driving crowds wild at Carnival fetes.


Ègbé soca tí ó dùn ní etí, pẹ̀lú ọ̀rọ̀ orin dancehall díẹ̀díẹ̀, ti ń da orí àwọn ènìyàn rú ní ìtaja Ijó ìta-gbangba.


"Though there was some discussion as to whether or not ""Famalay"" would even qualify for the Road March contest because Skinny hails from St. Vincent and the Grenadines, the rules say that once ""the majority of the lead vocal performance"" is ""undertaken and carried out by nationals of Trinidad and Tobago,"" the song can be a contender - and this one definitely is."


"Bí ó ti lẹ̀ jé pé ó ní àríyànjiyàn bóyá ""Famalay"" yóò kópa nínú Ìwọ́de Ojúnà tàbí kò ní í kópa, nítorí Skinny wá láti St. Vincent àti Grenadines, òfin sọ wípé bí ""ọ̀pọ̀ àwọn akọrin tí ó ń lé orin"" yẹ kí ""ó jẹ́ ṣíṣe láti ọwọ́ọ ọmọ bíbíi Trinidad àti Tobago,"" orin náà lè jẹ́ afigagbága - eléyìí sì jẹ́ ọ̀kan."


This is not to say that it's a three-song race. With just about three weeks to go before Carnival, there other tunes - including two wicked ones by female artists Destra Garcia and Patrice Roberts - that may just give our picks a run for their money, and with soca performers still dropping new tracks, the battle for Road March 2019 is still being fought.


Èyí kì í ṣe wípé orin mẹ́ta péré ni ó ń du oyè. Ó ku bí ọ̀sẹ̀ mẹ́ta kí Ijó ìta-gbangba ó wáyé, àwọn orin wọn mìíràn - tí ó ní akọrin obìrin Destra Garcia àti Patrice Roberts - tí yóò mú ìdíje le fún àwọn ọkùnrin, àti bí àwọn akọrin soca ṣì ń gbé àwo orin tuntun jáde, ìfigagbága Ìwọ́de Ojúnà ọdún-un 2019 ṣì ń lọ lọ́wọ́.


Let the dead tell their stories about Hong Kong


Jẹ́ kí àwọn òkú ó sọ ìtàn nípa Hong Kong


Temple Street, Yau Ma Tei, Hong Kong. PHOTO: David Yan (CC BY 2.0)


Òpópónà Ilé-ìsìn òrìṣà, Yau Ma Tei, Hong Kong. ÀWÒRÁN: David Yan (CC BY 2.0)


Warning: this story includes graphic descriptions of death and violence. A version of this story was previously published on Medium.


Ìkìlọ̀: ìròyìn yìí ní àwọn àwòrán tí ó ń ṣe àfihàn ikú àti ipá. Medium ti ṣe àtẹ̀jáde ẹ̀dàa ìròyìn yìí ṣáájú èyí.


If you have traveled to Hong Kong, you have probably visited Yau Ma Tei, a popular night market district where people go to enjoy shopping and street food.


Bí o bá ti rìnrìn àjò lọ sí Hong Kong, o ṣe é ṣe kí o dé Yau Ma Tei, agbègbè ọjà alẹ́ tí ó jẹ́ ìlúmọ̀nánká níbi tí àwọn ènìyàn ti máa ń lọ ra ọjà àti oúnjẹ ẹ̀gbẹ́ẹ títì.


Yau Ma Tei is one of the most densely populated areas in Hong Kong.


Yau Ma Tei jẹ́ ọ̀kan lára àwọn agbègbè tí èró pọ̀ sí jù lọ ní Hong Kong.


"Since 2016, the district has been the site of ""20,000 ways to die in Yau Ma Tei,"" a guided ""homicide tour"" founded by Melody Chan and myself, who have lived in the area for many years."


"Láti ọdún-un 2016, ẹ̀ka- ìlú náà ti di ibùdó fún ""20,000 ọ̀nà láti gbà kú ní Yau Ma Tei,"" ìtọ́nà ""ìrìnàjò afẹ́ ìpànìyàn"" tí Melody Chan àti èmitìkarami ṣe olùdásílẹ̀, tí ó ti ń gbé àdúgbò náà fún ọdún púpọ̀."


Through the tour, we seek to address the meaning of life and living conditions in Hong Kong.


Nípasẹ̀ ìrìnàjò afẹ́ náà, a fẹ́ mọ bí ayé àti ìgbé ayé ṣe rí ní Hong Kong.


The 1.5-kilometer tour route runs north and south of Yau Ma Tei and visits 12 murder scenes over two hours.


Ìrìnàjò afẹ́ ojúnà oní kìlómítà 1.5 náà lọ láti arẹwà àti gúúsù Yau Ma Tei, àti ìrìnàjò dé ibi tí a ti pa ènìyàn 12 ní àárín-in wákàtí méjì.


We started it originally as a Halloween activity to raise funds for a local organization.


A bẹ̀rẹ̀ ẹ rẹ̀ gẹ́gẹ́ bíi ètò Halowíìnì láti kó owó jọ fún ilé-iṣẹ́ ìbílẹ̀ kan.


As the feedback was excellent, we continued organizing tours at night during the winter months when the weather is cooler.


Èsì tí a gbà dára tó bẹ́ẹ̀ ni ó mú wa tẹ̀síwájú nínú ìrìnàjò alẹ́ nínú oṣù tí yìnyín bá ń bọ́ tí ojú ọjọ́ bá tútù.


The tour guides are social workers, teachers, medical doctors and other professionals.


Oníṣẹ́ ìlú ni àwọn amọ̀nà, olùkọ́, oníṣègùn àti àwọn onímọ̀ mìíràn.


Thus far, about 500 people have taken the tour.


Bí a bá kà á ní ẹníméjì, ó ti tó ènìyàn 500 tí ó ti ṣe ìrìnàjò náà.


The homicide cases we selected date mostly from 2012 to 2016. Details of the cases were compiled from newspaper reports and records from the Coroner's Court.


Àwọn ọ̀ràn ìpànìyàn tí a yàn wáyé ní àárín-in ọdún-un 2012 to 2016. Nínú ìwé ìròyìn ni a ti ṣa àwọn ìròyìn àti àkọsílẹ̀ láti ọwọ́ọ ilé ẹjọ́ Oníwàádìí-ẹni-tí-ó-kú.


Below is a trailer of the tour's 2017 edition on YouTube:


Ní ìsàlẹ̀ ni àwòrán-eré ránpẹ́ ìrìnàjò afẹ́ ọdún-un 2017 ní oríi YouTube:


So close, yet so isolated


Ó súnmọ́, síbẹ̀ ó jìnà


The population density in downtown Kowloon peninsula is about 44,000 people per square kilometer, and about 20,000 people live in Yau Ma Tei.


Iye ènìyàn tí ó ń gbé ní ilẹ̀-tí-omí-fẹ́rẹ̀ẹ́-yíká Kowloon tó bíi èèyàn 40,000 ní orí ìwọ̀n kìlómítà kọ̀ọ̀kan, àti bí i ènìyàn 20,000 ni ó ń gbé Yau Ma Tei.


Many apartments are sub-divided into smaller units. People live so closely together, but at the same time, they are quite isolated.


Ọ̀pọ̀lọpọ̀ ńláǹlà ni a pín sí kéékèèké. Àwọn ènìyàn ń gbé súnmọ́ ara wọn, àmọ́ síbẹ̀, wọ́n jìnà sí ara wọn.


Quite a number of the cases featured on the tour involve elderly people.


Àìmọye àwọn ènìyàn tí ó wà nínú ìrìnàjò afẹ́ náà jẹ́ àgbàlagbà.


In one case, an old man committed suicide by jumping out of the fourth-floor window of a building with a rope tied around his neck.


Bàbá arúgbó kan pa ara rẹ̀ nígbà tí ó bẹ́ láti ojúu fèrèsé ilé alájà-mẹ́rin pẹ̀lú okùn tí ó so mọ́ ọrùn.


The body dangled on the outer wall of the building above the street all night, but no one noticed it until the next morning when the residents of a building across the street opened their window.


Òkúu rẹ̀ ń fì ní ìta ògiri ilé náà ní títì ní àárín alẹ́, àmọ́ kò sí ẹni tí ó se àkíyèsí àfi ní ìgbà tí ó di fẹ̀ẹ̀rẹ̀ nígbà tí àwọn alùgbé ilé òdì kejì ṣí fèrèsée wọn.


Another case involves two elderly people who were found dead at home, one starved to death.


Òmíràn ní í ṣe pẹ̀lú àwọn àgbàlagbà méjì tí a bá òkúu wọn nínú ilé, ọ̀kan kú ikú ebi.


It was later revealed that the husband was the caretaker of the wife, who was suffering from dementia.


Àsẹ̀yìnwá ni ó tó yé wípé ọkọ náà ni ó ṣe olùtọ́jú aya, ẹni tí ó arán ń ṣe.


The husband had a fall in the living room and died, and the wife slowly starved to death in bed.


Ọkọ náà kọsẹ̀ nínú yàrá ìgbàlejò, ó sì kú, ebí sì ṣe wẹ́rẹ́ pa ìyàwó sí orí ibùsùn.


It is difficult to imagine that no one had taken notice of the somewhat desperate living conditions of two elderly people.


Ó jẹ́ ohun ìbànújẹ́ wípé kò sí ẹni tí ó fura sí irú ìgbé ayé ìjìyà àwọn àgbàlagbà méjì.


According to the 2016 population census, there were about 1.16 million people aged 65 and over in Hong Kong - about 15.9 per cent of the total population.


Gẹ́gẹ́ bí ètò ìkànìyàn ọdún-un 2016, mílíọ̀nù èèyàn 1.16 million ni ọmọ ọdún 65 àti jù bẹ́ẹ̀ lọ ní Hong Kong - ìyẹn 15.9 ìdá gbogbo ènìyàn.


About 150 thousand of those people lived alone.


Ẹgbẹ̀rún 150 àwọn ènìyàn wọ̀nyí ni ó ń dá gbé.


The average monthly income of retired elderly people in 2016 - including pension and family and government support - was HK$5,780 (US$720).


HK$5,780 (US$720) ni owó oṣù àwọn àgbàlagbà tí í ṣe òṣìṣẹ́-fẹ̀yìntì ní ọdún-un 2016 - àti owó ìrànwọ́ ìjọba lápapọ̀.


The current individual median income is about HK$16,800 (US$2,200) dollars.


Lọ́wọ́lọ́wọ́ báyìí, owó oṣù tí ó kéré jù lọ nínú tó HK$16,800 (US$2,200) dollars.


But living with family or others does not guarantee support. There are many family tragedies in the city, among the working classes, in particular.


Àmọ́ gbígbé pẹ̀lú ẹbí tàbí ọ̀rẹ́ kò kan ti ìtìlẹyìn. Ìjàmbá oríṣi ni ó máa ń ṣẹlẹ̀ nínú ẹbí ní ìlú, pàápàá jù lọ ní àárín àwọn tí ó ń ṣiṣẹ́.


In one case, the deceased was a 15-year-old girl who was into cosplay. She performed well in her studies but quarrelled with her family because of her hobby.


Ìṣẹ̀lẹ̀ kan wáyé, ọmọdébìnrin ọmọ ọdún 15 ni olóògbé tí ó máa ń múra bí ẹ̀dá-inú ìtàn tí a mọ̀ sí cosplay.


Eventually, she dropped out of school and became a photo model to earn a living.


Ó f'akọyọ nínú ẹ̀kọ́ọ rẹ̀ àmọ́ ó bá ẹbíi rẹ̀ ní gbólóhùn asọ̀ nítorí olólùfẹ́ẹ rẹ̀.


She was murdered by a client who had paid her HK$500 dollars (US$65) to take pictures of her.


Àbálọ àbábọ̀, ó kúrò ní ilé-ìwé, ó sì di ẹni-àpẹẹrẹ àwòrán láti so ẹ̀mí àti ara ró. Ẹni tí ó ṣiṣẹ́ fún tí ó san owó ọ̀yà HK$500 dollars (US$65) fún un ni ó pa a.


In another case, a dead baby with its umbilical cord intact was found in a bag in Yau Ma Tei subway station by a cleaning lady.


Òmíràn jẹ́ òkú ọmọ-ọwọ́ kan tí ìwọ́ọ rẹ̀ ṣì wà ní a ara rẹ̀, tí obìrin kan tí ó ń ṣe ìmọ́tótó ìbùdókọ̀ abẹ́-ilẹ̀ ní Yau Ma Tei bá nínú àpò kan.


Upon investigation, the police found out that the mother was a foreign domestic helper who became pregnant and was afraid that her employers would dismiss her. The woman was arrested and jailed.


Lẹ́yìn ìwádìí, àwọn ọlọ́pàá ṣe àrídájú wípé ọmọ-ọ̀dọ̀ kan láti ilẹ̀ òkèèrè tí ó ń bẹ̀rù wípé ọ̀gá òun yóò lé òun ni ẹnu iṣẹ́ bí ó bá mọ̀ wípé òun ní oyún ni ìyáa rẹ̀. Obìrin náà jẹ èrè iṣẹ́ ọwọ́ọ rẹ̀ ní ẹ̀wọ̀n.


During this segment of the tour, the guide raises the question: aren't the woman's employers also guilty?


Ní abala ìrìnàjò afẹ́ yìí, amọ̀nà ṣe ìbéèrè: ṣé àwọn ọ̀gá obìnrin náà kò jẹ̀bi bí?


It is difficult to imagine not noticing that the person who served you daily is pregnant.


Kò sí bí ó ṣe lè ṣẹlẹ̀ kí wọn ó máà mọ̀ wípé ẹni tí ó ń ṣiṣẹ́ fún wọn ní ojúmọ́ ní oyún ní inú.


"There are more than 370,000 helpers in Hong Kong and the law requires them to live in their employers"" homes."


Ọmọ-ọ̀dọ̀ tí ó wà ní Hong Kong ju 370,000 lọ, òfin ṣì fi àyè gbà wọ́n kí ó máa gbé nínú ilé ọ̀gáa wọn.


This arrangement makes them vulnerable to abuse in the form of long working hours, poor diet, etc.


Èyí ni àyè fi sílẹ̀ láti lè rí wọn bá sùn bí wọn bá ń ṣiṣẹ́ fún wákàtí púpọ̀, láì jẹun tí ó ṣe ara ní oore, àti bẹ́ẹ̀ bẹ́ẹ̀ lọ.


About a year after that case, another foreign domestic helper was fired for getting pregnant.


Lẹ́yìn ọdún kan tí ìṣẹ̀lẹ̀ yẹn wáyé, ọmọ-ọ̀dọ̀ ilẹ̀-òkèèrè mìíràn gba ìdádúró ní ẹnu iṣẹ́ fún oyún tí ó ní.


It took two years for the woman to successfully appeal the illegal termination of the contract in court.


Ó gba obìnrin náà ní ọdún méjì gbáko nílé ẹjọ́ láti jà fún ìdádúró láì bá òfin mu ní ẹnu iṣẹ́.


Grassroots murderers


Ìpànìyàn ní àárín àwọn ènìyàn


Many of the murders in Yau Ma Tei are crimes of passion committed by ordinary people, and as is typical when the crime is not premeditated, the perpetrators make many mistakes.


Ọ̀gọ̀rọ̀ ìpànìyàn ní Yau Ma Tei jẹ́ ẹsẹ̀ tí ó ti ọwọ́ àwọn ènìyàn fún ra wọn wá, tí ó jẹ́ ẹsẹ̀ tí wọn kò gbèrò tàbí pa ète rẹ̀ tẹ́lẹ̀, tí àwọn tí ó dá ẹ̀ṣẹ̀ sì ṣe àṣìṣe.


There is the case in which a man killed his older brother in an open street with a nine-inch fish knife that penetrated the brother's lungs.


Ó ní ìṣẹ̀lẹ̀ tí ọkùnrin kan pa ẹ̀gbọ́n-ọn rẹ̀ ọkùnrin ní ìta gbangba ní ojúu títì pẹ̀lú ọbẹ̀ ìwọ̀n ínṣì mẹ́sàn-án tí ó wọ inú ẹ̀dọ̀ fóró ẹ̀gbọ́n-ọn rẹ̀ lọ.


The knife was supposed to be a gift for the brother.


Ẹ̀bùn ni ó yẹ kí ọbẹ̀ náà jẹ́ fún ẹ̀gbọ́n náà.


One killer stayed at the crime scene after the murder; another used his ID card to book a hotel room to hide the body.


Apànìyàn kan takú sí ibi ìpànìyàn lẹ́yìn tí ó pa ènìyàn tán; òmíràn fi ìwé pẹlẹbẹ ìdánimọ̀ọ rẹ̀ gba iyàrá tí ó tọ́jú òkú ẹni tí ó pa sí.


Another murder took place in a convenience store.


Ìpànìyàn mìíràn wáyé ní ilé ìtaja-ohun-èlò-inú-ilé.


The incident was recorded by closed-circuit TV.


Ẹ̀rọ-ayàwòrán amóhùnmáwòrán ká ìṣẹ̀lẹ̀ náà sílẹ̀.


The murderer was a tourist holding a Canadian passport, who stabbed the storekeeper after the latter questioned him for taking items from the shop without paying.


Onírìn àjò ìgbafẹ́ tí ó ń lo ìwé-ìrìnnà Orílẹ̀-èdè Canada ni apànìyàn náà, ẹni tí ó gún òǹtajà ìsọ̀ náà nígbà tí òǹtajà bíi léèrè ìdí tí ó fi kó ọjà láì san owó.


An encounter with souls and their shadows


Àlábàápàdé àwọn ẹ̀mí àti òjìjíi wọn


The majority of tour patrons are college students.


Ọ̀pọ̀ àwọn arìnrìn-àjò afẹ́ jẹ́ akẹ́kọ̀ọ́ ilé-ẹ̀kọ́ gíga.


Some join out of curiosity; others consider it a way to educate themselves.


Àwọn kan kópa nítorí wọ́n fẹ́ rí àrídájú; àwọn mìíràn rí i bí ọ̀nà láti fi ìmọ̀ kún ìmọ̀.


A doctor who was part of a team of medical workers who took the tour said this of one case:


Oníṣègùn kan tí í ṣe ikọ̀ òṣìṣẹ́ ìlera tí ó ṣe ìrìnàjò náà sọ wípé:


The protagonist of the case is very similar to the patients we often encounter in the accident and emergency wards - drug addicts, street sleepers, refugees.


Ẹni ọ̀ràn yìí dà bíi àwọn aláàárẹ̀ tí a máa ń bá pàdé nínú ìyára ìtọ́jú àwọn tí ó ní ìjàmbá àti ìtọ́júu pàjàwìrì - àwọn tí egbògi olóró tí sọ di ìdàkudà, àwọn tí ó ń sun títì, àwọn ogún-lé-mi-dé.


We all have to rescue them in the emergency room.


Iṣẹ́ẹ gbogbo wa ni láti dóòlà ẹ̀míi wọn ní yàráa pàjàwìrì.


But usually they are quite hostile in their attitudes.


Àmọ́ wọ́n máa ń kanra nígbà mìíràn.


It's very difficult to deal with them and we tend to lose patience over time.


Kì í rọrùn bí a bá ń ṣe ìtọ́júu wọn, nítorí náà a máa sọ sùúrù nù.


This guided tours remind us that we must be patient and should not become indifferent.


Ìrìnàjò afẹ́ yìí rán wa létí wípé a nílòo sùúrù bí a bá ń dá àwọn aláàárẹ̀ lóhùn.


And their lives are very miserable and they struggle hard to survive.


Àti pé ayé ìrora ni wọ́n ń gbé, wọ́n sì ń tiraka láti gbé.


Yau Ma Tei's 20,000 residents will all eventually die in different ways.


Onírúurú ikú ni yóò pa gbogbo àwọn olùgbée 20,000 Yau Ma Tei.


We believe that upon their death, their souls will become part of the fabric of the city and continue to linger in the alleys and streets, reminding people of the meaning of existence.


Ìgbàgbọ́ọ wa ni wípé bí ikú bá kanlẹ̀kùn, ẹ̀míi wọn yóò máa ráre kiri ní àárín-in àdúgbò àti ní òpópónà, láti máa rán àwọn ènìyàn létí nípa ìtúmọ̀ ìwà láyé.


The tour aims to create a space for these shadows to reveal their stories.


Ìrìnàjò yìí ń lépa láti pèsè àyè fún àwọn òjìjí láti sọ ìtàn ara wọn.


The number one cause of suicide is untreated depression.


Ohun tí ó ń fa ikú ni ìbàjẹ́ ọkàn tí a ò wò sàn.


Depression is treatable and suicide is preventable.


Ìbàjẹ́ ọkàn ní ìwòsàn, a sì lè dènà ìpànìyàn.


You can get help from confidential support lines for the suicidal and those in emotional crisis.


Ó lè rí ìrànwọ́ fún àwọn tí ó ń bá ìparaẹni fà á àti àwọn tí ó wà nínú ìbàjẹ́ ọkàn.


Visit Befrienders.org to find a suicide prevention helpline in your country.


Lọ sí Befrienders.org fún ojú òpó ìbánisọ̀rọ̀ ìdènà ìparaẹni ní orílẹ̀-èdèe rẹ.


Azerbaijan leader gives first TV interview after 15 years in office. He could use more practice.


Olórí orílẹ̀-èdè Azerbaijan tàkùrọ̀sọ àkọ́kọ́ ní orí amóhùnmáwòrán lẹ́yìn ọdún 15 ní orí àlééfà. Ó lè lo ọ̀nà mìíràn.


President Ilham Aliyev's interview with REAL TV on February 12.


Ìfọ̀rọ̀wọ́rọ̀ Ààrẹ Ilham Aliyev àti amóhùnmáwòran REAL TV ní Oṣù Èrèlé 12.


Screenshot from REAL TV's YouTube channel.


Àpá àwòrán wá láti REAL TV ẹ̀rọ-alátagbà YouTube channel.


How often should a country's leader give interviews to the local media of that country?


Ẹ̀rìn mélòó ló yẹ kí ààrẹ orílẹ̀ èdè ní ìtakùrọ̀sọ pẹ̀lú ilé ìgbéròyìn jáde tí ìlúu rẹ̀?


Once a week?


Ẹẹ̀kan l'ọ́sẹ̀?


Once a month?


Ẹẹ̀kan l'óṣù?


Rulers of authoritarian countries might sometimes settle on a very controlled interview with state media once a year or less.


Àwọn olórí orílẹ̀ èdè afipá ṣe ìjọba máa ń ṣe ìtakùrọ̀sọ pẹ̀lú àwọn ilé ìgbéròyìn jáde ní èèkàn l'ọ́dún tàbí kí ó kéré jù bẹ́ẹ̀ lọ.


The answer to this question in Azerbaijan is quite extraordinary.


Ìdáhùn sí ìbéèrè yìí kọyọyọ ní Azerbaijan.


Earlier this month, President Ilham Aliyev, who became Azerbaijan's leader in October 2003, gave his first-ever interview to local television.


Ní ìbẹ̀rẹ̀ oṣù yìí, Ààrẹ Ilham Aliyev, tí ó di olórí ilẹ̀ Azerbaijan ní Oṣù Ọ̀wàrà ọdún 2003, ṣe ìtakùrọ̀sọ alákọ̀ọ́kọ́ọ rẹ̀ pẹ̀lú ilé ìṣẹ́ amóhùn-máwòrán ti ìlúu rẹ̀.


The hour-long February 12 interview with pro-government journalist Mirshahin Aghayev - once known for having a more independent stance - was broadcast on the privately owned pro-government broadcaster REAL TV.


Ìfọ̀rọ̀-wáni-lẹ́nuwò oníwákàtí kan ọ̀hún tí ó wáyé lọ́jọ́ 12 oṣù yìí, pẹ̀lú oníròyìn ìjọba Mirshahin Aghayev - tí a ti mọ̀ tẹ́lẹ̀ rí fún ìdúróṣinṣin aìfi òlò p'ohùn - di gbígbésáfẹ́fẹ́ ní ilé ìṣẹ́ amóhùn-máwòrán aládàáni agbè fún ìjọba REAL TV.


It aroused significant interest in Azerbaijan, where citizens are used to listening to Aliyev make speeches but unaccustomed to seeing him discuss ideas with an interlocutor.


Ó gbọn òǹgbẹ ni Azerbaijan, ilẹ̀ tí àwọn ará ìlú ti máa ń gbọ́ kí Aliyev sọ̀rọ̀ lórí afẹ́fẹ́, àmọ́ tí wọn kò sì rí i rí kó tàkùrọ̀sọ pẹ̀lú oníbèèrè.


Even Aliyev's Twitter account comes across as a bizarre monologue rather than an attempt at public outreach.


Kódà ìṣàmúlò Twitter Aliyev dà gẹ́gẹ́ bí wèrè aládàásọ̀rọ̀ ju ìgbìyànjú ìbá ará ìlú sọ̀rọ̀ lọ.


In the end, however, the interview proved an underwhelming debut.


Ní ìgbẹ̀yìn-gbẹ́yín, ìfọ̀rọ̀-wáni-lẹ́nuwò ọ̀hún jẹ́ àkọ́ṣe tí ó kọyọyọ.


Many on social media commented on the president's understated body language, somewhat dazed appearance and a reliance on state media talking points.


Púpọ̀ àwọn tí ó wà lórí ẹ̀rọ ayélujára gbogbo sọ̀rọ̀ lórí aìkọbì-ara sí bí ààrẹ ṣe gbé ara rẹ̀, bí ó ṣe múra àti àwọn kókó tí ilé ìṣe ìgbóhùn sáfẹ́fẹ́ ìjọba sọ̀rọ̀ lé lórí.


Given that Aliyev does not have to impress anyone - Azerbaijan has never had a free and fair election in its 27-year independence - why did he bother to do this?


Gẹ́gẹ́ bí a ti mọ̀ pé kò pọn dandan kí Aliyev ṣàfihàn ara rẹ̀ bí ó ṣe tó - Azerbaijan kòì tí ì dìbò tí kò sí kọ́mí-n-kọ́họ lẹ́yìn ọdún 37 tí ó ti gba òmìnira - kíni ó mú u ṣe èyí?


Ìfọ̀rọ̀wánilẹ́nuwo Ààrẹ Ilham Aliyev's pẹ̀lú REAL TV ní ọjọ́ 12, oṣù Èrèlé.


Àwòrán láti orí ẹ̀rọ-alátagbà YouTube ti REAL TV.


The topics of the interview broadly mirrored those highlighted in state media - the long-standing conflict with Armenia over Nagorno-Karabakh, public services, economic reforms and Azerbaijan's relations with the Eurasian Union and European Union trade blocs.


Àwọn kókó ìtakùrọsọ ọ̀hún dá lórí - ìjàkú akátá pẹ̀lú Armenia lóríi Nargono- Karabakh, iṣẹ́ ìlú, àtúnṣe sí ètò ọrọ̀ Ajé, àti ìbáṣepọ̀ pẹ̀lú Ẹgbẹ́ Aláṣẹpọ̀ Eurasian àti Ẹgbẹ́ Aláṣẹpọ̀ Europe.


No new insights were provided.


A kò rí ohun tuntun kan gbámu.


"After the video received a host of negative comments like ""Resignation"" and ""No more tales are needed"" in addition to dislikes during its first day online, REAL TV's YouTube channel closed comments."


"Lẹ́yìn ìgbà tí fídíò ọ̀hún gba kòbákùngbé ìjábọ̀ bíi ""Kọ̀wé fipò sílẹ̀"" àti ""A kò fẹ́ àlọ́ atanijẹ mọ́"" pẹ̀lú ọ̀pọ̀lọpọ̀ àìní ìfẹ́ràn ní ọjọ́ àkọ́kọ́ tí a gbé e sórí ayélujára, ìkànnì REAL TV ní oríi YouTube ti ìsọsí pa."


"Opposition politician Azer Gasimli said the interview showed the government was ""very worried"" amid stewing public dissatisfaction and a sluggish economy."


"Olóṣèlú alátakò Azer Gasimli sọ pé ìfọ̀rọ̀-wáni-lẹ́nuwò ọ̀hún fi hàn pé ""ìfoyà ti dé bá"" ìjọba láàárín bí àwọn ará ìlú ò ṣe gba ti wọn àti ọ̀rọ̀ ajé ìlú tí ó ń ṣ'òjòjò."


I watched Ilham Aliyev's first interview with a local journalist.


Mo wo ìtàkùrọsọ àkọ́kọ́ tí Ilham Aliyev ṣe pẹ̀lú oníròyìn ilẹ̀ yìí kan.


I think it is meaningless to say or write something in response to what the President said.


"Mo rò pé kò mọ́gbọ́n dání láti sọ tàbí kọ nǹkan kan l"" ésì si ohun tí Ààrẹ sọ."


Because we have responded to him for many years.


Nítorí pé a ti ń fún un l'ésì fún ọdún pípẹ́.


The interview was not sincere.


Kò sí hóró òótọ́ kán nínú ìtàkùrọsọ ọ̀hún.


"Both the President and the journalist remind me of ""ships floating on a lie."""


"Ààrẹ àti oníròyìn ọ̀hún rán mi l'étí nípa ""ọkọ̀ tó léfòó lórí irọ́ ."""


My conclusion: the government is very worried!


Ní àkótán: ara ò rọ ìjọba!


Habib Muntazir, an independent journalist also complained the interview was short on substance:


Habib Muntazir, aládàádúró oníròyìn kan fi ẹ̀dùn ọkàn-an rẹ̀ hàn pé ìtàkùrọsọ ọ̀hún kò gbóòkàn:


"The only thing I learned was ""Grandma Saray."""


"Nǹkan kan ṣo tí mo gbọ́ ni ""Ìyá àgbà Saray."""


"I'm sure that this ""grandma"" would say something more interesting than Ilham Aliyev."


"Ó dá mi lójú pé ""Ìyá àgbà"" yìí yóò ṣòro tí ó wúni lórí ju Ilham Aliyev lọ."


"Muntazir's reference to ""Grandma Saray"" addresses Aliyev's visit to the Shamakhi region of Azerbaijan, where an earthquake destroyed several homes earlier this month, including one belonging to a 92-year-old woman called Saray."


"Ìfakùn ọ̀rọ̀ ""Ìyá àgbà Saray"" tí Muntazir mẹ́nubà dá lórí àbẹ̀wò ìbánidárọ tí Aliyev bá lọ sí Agbègbè Shamakhi tí Azerbaijan, níbi tí ìporùrù ayé tí bá ọ̀pọ̀lọpọ̀ ilé ìgbé jẹ́ ní ìbẹ̀rẹ̀ oṣù yìí, tí ọ̀kan nínú rẹ̀ jẹ́ ti obìrin ọlọ́mọdún 92 tí orúkọ rẹ ń jẹ́ Saray."


State propaganda had seized on Aliyev's meeting with Saray, who has since been celebrated as a model citizen for her stoicism and faith in the future of the Azerbaijani state after the quake.


Ajábọ̀ iṣẹ́ ìjọba ti fúnpá lórí ìpàdé tí Aliyev ní pẹ̀lú Saray, ẹni tí ó ti gba oríyìn gẹ́gẹ́ bí àwòkọ́ṣe rere fún ìfaradà àti ìgbàgbọ́ tí ó ní sí ọjọ́ iwájú orílẹ̀-èdè Azerbaijan lẹ́yìn-in ìṣẹ́lẹ̀ náà.


Ilham Aliyev meets with Grandma Saray. Photo from qafkaz.info.


Ilham Aliyev pàdé Ìyá àgbà Saray. Àwòrán láti qafkaz.info.


As can be seen from an abridged translation of the REAL TV interview, Aliyev went overboard in his praise for the elderly citizen, name-checking her seven times in quick succession:


Bí a ṣe lè ri lára ìtú ìmọ̀ ìfọ̀rọ̀wọ́rọ̀ agbóhùnsáfẹ́fẹ́ REAL TV l'órèfé, Aliyev sọ àsọdùn ọ̀rọ̀ nínú ìgbóríyìn fún arúgbó ọ̀hún, bí ò tí ṣe perí rẹ ní sísẹ̀ntẹ̀lé:


Such grandmothers and mothers, like Grandma Saray, have been preserving our national and spiritual values for centuries.


Irú ìyá àgbà àti àwọn ìyá, gẹ́gẹ́ bíi Ìyá àgbà Saray ti ń ṣakitiyan ìpamọ́ àwọn ìṣe orílẹ̀ wa àti ẹ̀mí-àìrí fún àìní ye ọgọ́rùn-ún ọdún.


Every Azerbaijani woman wants to be akin to grandmothers Saray.


Gbogbo obìnrin Azerbaijan ni ó fẹ́ fi ìwà jọ ìyá àgbà Saray.


Look, a 92-year-old woman whose house is destroyed, how much optimism in this woman!


Wò ó, obìrin ọmọ ọdún 92 èyí tí ilé rẹ̀ ti di ìlẹ̀ẹ́lẹ̀, ìrètí gidi wo ló tún wà fún un mọ́!


Grandma Saray is confident that the state will be with her.


Ìyá àgbà Saray ní ìfọkàntẹ̀ pé ìjọba yóò dúró tì òun.


Honestly, during a trip to Shamakhi, I did not know that I would meet Grandma Saray.


Kámáparọ́, nínú ìrìnàjò kékeré lọ sí Shamakhi, n kò rò ó tì tẹ́lẹ̀ pé n ó ṣe àlábàpáàdé Ìyá àgbà Saray.


I examined the houses affected by the earthquake, familiarized myself with the situation there.


Mo yẹ àwọn ilé tí ìporùrù ilẹ̀ ọ̀hún bà wò fínnífínní, mo sì rí àrító ohun tí ó ṣẹlẹ̀ níbẹ̀.


When I saw Grandma Saray, I was once again convinced of how great the people of Azerbaijan were.


Gẹ́gẹ́ tí mo rí Ìyá àgbà Saray, àrídájú mi lórí bí àwọn ọmọ Azerbaijan ṣe ṣ'èèyàn sí l'ékún sí i.


We can be proud of our people.


Àwọn ọmọ ilẹ̀ wa á máa mú ìwúrí báni.


She was in a difficult situation; her house was destroyed.


Ó wà nínú ìṣòro; ilée rẹ̀ ti wó.


She probably did not even know that someone would come to her aid.


Ó jọ pé kò mọ̀ pé ẹnìkan yóò wá ṣe ìrànwọ́ fún òun.


She did not know whether her house would be repaired or a new house would be built.


Kò mọ̀ bóyá ilé òun yóò dí àtúnkọ́ tàbí wọn yóò dà á wó pátápátá kọ́ òmíràn.


Grandmothers like Saray are the embodiment of the unbending spirit of the Azerbaijani people.


Àwọn ìyá àgbà bíi Saray ní ẹ̀mí ìforítì òun ìlọra tí ó mú àwọn ọmọ Orílẹ̀ Azerbaijan yàtọ̀.


Another independent journalist, Sevinc Osmangizi, staged a call in canvassing reactions to the interview on YouTube immediately after the interview was broadcast.


Oníròyìn aládàádúró mìíràn, Sevinc Osmangizi, fi ṣe àgbékalẹ̀ ìpè kan ní oríi YouTube tí ó ń pè fún ìda-ọ̀rọ̀-wo lórí ìfọ̀rọ̀wáni-lẹ́nuwo ọ̀hún lẹ́yìn tí Ìgbóhùnsáfẹ́fẹ́ parí.


Viewers mostly registered their disappointment and called for change.


Àwọn tí wọ́n wò ó sọ àwọn nǹkan tí kò tẹ́ wọn lọ́run, wón sì tún pè fún àyípadà.


One said:


Ọ̀kan ní:


I could not watch the interview any longer and I turned off the television.


N kò le è wo ìfọ̀rọ̀wọ́rọ̀ náà ju ibi mo wò ó dé lọ, mo sì pa ẹ̀rọ amóhùn-máwòrán.


Because both the interviewer Mirshahin Aghayev and his questions were very fake.


Nítorí pé, òfé lásán ni olùbéèrè Mirshahin Aghayev àti ìbéèrè rẹ̀.


Their promises to us is no longer matter.


Àdéhùn wọn kò wúlò fún wa mọ́.


Because people are now tired of such frauds and lies.


Èké àti irọ́ wọn ti sú àwọn èèyàn.


People want innovations and real reforms.


Àwọn ará ìlú ń fẹ́ ohun tuntun àti àtúntò tòótọ́.


A Tibetan-Canadian student was attacked online after winning student council elections.


Akẹ́kọ̀ọ́bìrin kan tí ó jẹ́ ọmọ Tibet-Canada rí ìkọlu lórí ayélujára lẹ́yìn tí ó já ewé olú borí nínú ìdìbò àjọ-ìgbìmọ̀ akẹ́kọ̀ọ́.


She thinks Beijing is to blame.


Ó rò pé, Beijing ló yẹ á bá wí.


Image from Chemi Lhamo Instagram via The Stand News.


Àwòrán wá láti ọwọ́ọ Chemi Lhamo láti ìbáwọlé The Stand News.


This article was originally written by Leung Hoi Ching and published in Chinese on Hong Kong based citizen media, the Stand News on February 15, 2018.


Leung Hoi Ching ni ó kọ́kọ́ kọ ìròyìn yìí tí a sì tẹ̀jáde ní èdèe Chinese lórí ilé ìgbéròyìn jáde ará ìlú Hong Kong, The Stand News ní ọjọ́ karùn-ún-dínlógún, Oṣù Èrèlé, ọdún-un 2019.


The following trimmed English version is translated by Zhao Yunlin.


Zhao Yunlin ni ó tú ìmọ̀ọ rẹ̀ sí èdèe Gẹ̀ẹ́sì.


On February 9, students at the University of Toronto's Scarborough Campus elected Chemi Lhamo, a 22-year-old student of Tibetan origin, as their student council president.


Ní ọjọ́ kẹsàn-án Oṣù Èrélé, àwọn akẹ́kọ̀ọ́ ti Ifáfitì Toronto, ọgbà Scarborough dìbò yan ọmọ ọdún méjìlél'ógún kan tí ìlú abínibíi rẹ̀ jẹ́ Tibet, gẹ́gẹ́ bí ààrẹ ìgbìmọ̀ àwọn akẹ́kọ̀ọ́.


Just days after the election results were announced, thousands of mainland Chinese overseas students signed an online petition of protest, accusing Lhamo of having close associations with pro-Tibet independence organizations.


Lẹ́yìn ọjọ́ mélòó kan tí a kéde èsì ìdìbò ọ̀hún, ogunlọ́gọ̀ àwọn ọmọ China tí wọ́n ń kẹ́kọ̀ọ́ l'ókè òkun fi òǹtẹ̀ lu àpilẹ̀kọ ìfi-èhónú kan ní orí ẹ̀rọ-ayélujára, tí wọ́n sì ń t'ọ́ka àbùkù sí Lhamo pé ó ń l'ẹ̀díàpòpọ̀ pẹ̀lú àwọn àjọ tó ń jà fún òmìnira Tibet.


They demanded the school disqualify her from the elected position.


Wọn rọ àwọn aláṣẹ ilé-ìwé ọ̀hún láti yọ ọ́ kúrò l'órí òye náà.


Demeaning comments from overseas mainland Chinese students


Kòbákùngbé ìfèsì ọ̀rọ̀ láti ẹnu àwọn akẹ́kọ̀ọ́ tí ó ń gbé ní òkè òkun gbùngbùn òkè-odò China.


Lhamo's personal social account was flooded with demeaning comments and veiled threats of violence from overseas students who appeared to be from mainland China.


Ìṣàmúlò ẹ̀rọ-alátagbàa ti Lhamo kún fún àwọn kòbákùngbé ìjábọ̀-ọ̀rọ̀ àti èyí tí ó ń pè fún ìwàa jàgídíjàgan, èyí tí kò ṣẹ̀yìn àwọn akẹ́kọ̀ọ́ òkè-òkun tí ó ń gbé gbùngbùn China.


As her story began to make headlines in international media outlets, students from Hong Kong and Taiwan fired back in defense Lhamo's defense.


Bí àwọn ilé ìgbéròyìn sáfẹ́fẹ́ àgbàńlá-ayé gbogbo ṣe tán ìròyìn-in rẹ̀ ká, àwọn akẹ́kọ̀ọ́ tí ó wà láti Hong Kong àti Taiwan gbìnnàyá láti gbéjàa Lhamo.


In a phone interview with Stand News, Chemi Lhamo said she believed that the incident was mobilized by organizations associated with Chinese government, an accusation that Chinese officials have denied.


Nínú ìfọ̀rọ̀wáni-lẹ́nuwo orí ẹ̀rọ ìbánisọ̀rọ̀ pẹ̀lú Stand News, Chemi Lhamo sọ pé òun nígbàgbọ́ pé ohun tí ó ṣẹlẹ̀ kò sẹ́yìn àwọn àjọ tí wọ́n ń bá Ìjọba China ṣe, ẹ̀sùn èyí tí àwọn òṣìṣẹ́ àgbà àjọ ọba China ti sẹ́ lé lórí.


Before this election, I had already been elected as vice-president of the student council for eight whole months and nothing ever happened.


Kí a tó dìbò yìí, a ti yàn mí gẹ́gẹ́ bí igbá-kejì ààrẹ ìgbìmọ̀ akẹ́kọ̀ọ́ fún oṣù mẹ́jọ gbáko, kò sì sí ohun kan tí ó ṣẹlẹ̀.


However, after all these sudden events, you cannot help but think that there is an organization manipulating these events behind the scenes.


Ní ìdakèjì, lẹ́yìn gbogbo ìṣẹ̀lẹ̀ẹ pàjáwìrì wọ̀nyìí, kò sí àní-àní pé àjọ kan ń gbìyànjú láti tìka bọ ìṣẹ̀lẹ̀ wọ̀nwọ̀nyí ní bírípó.


It's really funny how I've been serving as a vice-president for so long, how I've organized many events and never held back from expressing my ideals, but nobody has ever asked me about my political opinions.


Ó pani lẹ́rìn-ín pé láti ìgbà yìí wá tí mo ti ń ṣiṣẹ́ gẹ́gẹ́ bí igbá-kejì ààrẹ, bí mo ti ṣe ń ṣe ètò oríṣiríṣi tí n ò sì yé fi àwọn àṣàyàn ìhùwàsí mi l'éde, ṣùgbọ́n kò sí ẹni tí ó ti wádìí nípa àwọn ọ̀nà òṣèlú tí mo yàn ní ààyò.


She also said that her fellow students from mainland China began to behave strangely.


Ó tẹ̀ síwájú sí i pé ìwà àwọn akẹ́kọ̀ọ́ akẹgbẹ́ òun láti gbùngbùn China tí ń yí padà.


One of Lhamo's classmates from mainland China spontaneously asked her, via mobile message, to draft a statement regarding Tibetan independence.


Ọ̀kàn nínú àwọn akẹgbẹ́ẹ rẹ̀ tí ó wá láti gbùngbùn China fi ìwàǹwara pè é níjà láti fi èrò rẹ s'óde lórí gbígba òmìnira Tibet.


"She also received phone calls playing ""red songs"" (propaganda songs praising the Chinese Communist Party)."


"Ó tún gba àwọn ìpè kan, èyí tí ó ń kọ ""orin pupa"" (orin ọ̀tẹ̀ tí ó ń yín Ẹgbẹ́ Òṣèlú Chinese Communist Party)."


Lhamo could not understand these songs, as she does not speak Mandarin Chinese.


Àwọn orin wọ̀nyìí kò yé Lhamo, bó ṣe jẹ́ pé kò mọ èdèe Mandarin Ilẹ̀ China sọ.


Alongside the joint attacks and the comments on the internet, a group of students went to the student council office to demand that the election results be reconsidered.


Bí àkànlù àtakò àti ìjàbọ̀ ṣe ń lọ lọ́wọ́ lórí ayélujára, àpapọ̀ àwọn akẹ́kọ̀ọ́ kan tí gbógun lọ sí ọ́fíìsì ìgbìmọ̀ akẹ́kọ̀ọ́ láti lọ pè fún gbígbé èsì ìdìbò ọ̀hún yẹ̀wò.


The campus student council has now temporarily closed its conference room, for safety reasons.


Ìgbìmọ̀ akẹ́kọ̀ọ́ sì ti ti ìyàrá ìpàdée wọn pa fún ìgbà díẹ̀, nítorí ọ̀rọ̀ àbò.


Chemi Lhamo has been a student activist for some years.


Chemi Lhamo ti jẹ́ ajàjàǹgbara akẹ́kọ̀ọ́ fún ọdún mélòó kan.


She is an active member of the Tibetan community in Toronto and once joined a protest outside the university's Confucius Institute, the local branch of a global network of Chinese cultural institutions that are sponsored by the Chinese government and intended to promote China's soft power overseas.


Ó jẹ́ ọmọ ẹgbẹ́ tó ní áápọn ní ìlú àjọgbé àwọn Tibet tí ó wà ní Toronto àti pé ó ti kópa nínú ìjàfẹ́tọ̀ọ́ kan tí ó wáyé níta Akànkọ́ Ilé Ẹ̀kọ́ Confucius tí fáfitì ọ̀hún, ẹ̀ka ìbílẹ̀ àjọ ìsọdọ̀kan àṣà Ilẹ̀ China tí ìjọba China ń ṣe agbátẹrù fún lọ́nà tí ó fi ń mú kí China lágbára sí i ní ilẹ̀ òkèèrè.


In recent years, she has also exchanged views with social activists from Hong Kong and Taiwan on topics related to freedom of speech, self-determination, democracy and related topics at public events.


Ní ìgbà yìí wá, ó ti fi èrò ọkàn-an rẹ̀ hàn pẹ̀lú àwọn ajàfẹ́tọ̀ọ́ ìlú láti Hong Kong àti Taiwan lórí kókó ọ̀rọ̀ tó jẹ mọ̀, òmìnira ọ̀rọ̀ sísọ, ìdá-gbé nǹkan ṣe, ìjọba àwarawa àti àwọn kókó tó jọ mọ́ ọ ní ìpàdé ìta gbangba.


Lhamo has never been afraid to speak up or show her Tibetan identity - she wears a Chuba, the traditional Tibetan dress, every Wednesday.


Lhamo ò fi ìgbà kan bẹ̀rù láti sọ èrò ọkàn-an rẹ̀ jáde rí tàbí fi ara rẹ̀ hàn gẹ́gẹ́ bí ọmọ Tibet- ó má ń wọ Chuba, aṣọ ìbílẹ̀ àwọn ọmọ Tibet, ní gbogbo ọjọ́ Ọjọ́rú.


Until the election, she had never perceived any animosity from her Chinese classmates.


Títí di ìgbà ìdìbò, kò gbó-òórùn inúnibíni kán rí láti ọ̀dọ àwọn akẹgbẹ́ẹ rẹ̀ tí wọ́n jẹ́ ọmọ China.


This is what led her to worry that this barrage of harassment was instigated by Chinese authorities.


Èyí ni ó mú u fura pé ìkoni síta bíi ọmọ ọjọ́ mẹ́jọ yìí kò sẹ́yìn àwọn aláṣẹ China.


From stateless refugee to student council president


Láti èèyàn ogúnléndé aláìníbùgbé sí olórí ìgbìmọ̀ akẹ́kọ̀ọ́


Before immigrating to Canada at 11 years of age, Chemi Lhamo was a stateless refugee residing in India. Her grandparents were forced into exile along with the Dalai Lama in 1959.


Kí ó tó rin ìrìnàjò lọ sí Canada ní ọmọ ọdún mọ́kànlá , Chemi Lhamo jẹ́ ẹni ogúnléndé tí kò rí ibùgbé kan gbé ní India.


Within these rigid borders, no matter where she and her family went, they were looked down upon.


Àwọn òbíi rẹ̀ àgbà sá kúrò ní ilẹ̀ẹ wọn pẹ̀lú Dalai Lama ní ọdún-un 1959. Nínú hàhámọ́ ìnira tí wọ́n wà yìí, kò sí ibi tí òun àti mọ̀lẹ́bí rẹ̀ lọ, tí wọ́n kà wọ́n kún.


"Every time someone asks me: ""Where are you from?"""


"Nígbàkúùgbà tí wọ́n bá bí mí léèrè pé: ""Ibo lo ti wá?"""


I always end up struggling to answer - I sometimes say that I'm from India, but I was denied citizenship status there; sometimes I say that I'm from Tibet, but when they ask me how Tibet is like, I really don't know how to answer, because the Chinese embassy won't even issue me a visa to go to Tibet.


Ara mi máa ń kótì láti dáhùn - Ìgbà mìíràn mà á pé India ni mo ti wá, ṣùgbọ́n wọn kò fún mi ní ìwé ìgbèlùú; nígbà mìíràn ẹ̀wẹ̀ mà á dáhùn pé Tibet ni mo ti wá, ṣùgbọ́n tí wọ́n bá béèrè pé báwo ni Tibet ṣe rí, n ò mọ bí n ó ṣe dáhùn-un rẹ̀, ìdí ni pé China ò fún mi ní ìwé ìgbèlùú lọ sí Tibet.


But it's this experience of being viewed as an outsider that has made me understand my people's culture better: the Tibetan culture.


Ṣùgbọ́n ìrírí mi bí wọ́n ṣe ń rí mi bíi atọ̀húnrìnwá ti jẹ́ kí n ní ìmọ̀ nípa àṣà àwọn èèyàn mi: àṣà Tibet.


Lhamo recounted that when she had just immigrated to Canada, a new kid from Tibet unexpectedly came to class.


Llamo sọ̀rọ̀ nípa ìrìnàjòo rẹ̀ lọ sí Canada, ọmọ kékeré akẹ́kọ̀ọ́ tuntun kan tí ó wá láti Tibet tí ó bá wá sí ìyàrá ìkẹ́ẹ̀kọ̀ọ́.


She was excited and happy to have found someone from her own land to become friends with, and she knew that he could speak the Tibetan language.


Ara rẹ̀ yá gágá, inú rẹ̀ dùn láti ṣe alábàpàdé àwọn ọ̀rẹ́ tí ó wá láti ilẹ̀ẹ rẹ̀, bẹ́ẹ̀ ló mọ̀ pé ó lé sọ èdè Tibet.


"However, frowning at her, he told her: ""How about we don't speak Tibetan?"


"Síbẹ̀síbẹ̀, nínú ìfún-ojúpọ̀, ó sọ fún un pé: ""Tí a kò bá sọ èdè Tibet ńkọ́ ?"


"I can speak English."""


"Mo lè sọ Gẹ̀ẹ́sì."""


I don't know if he was either ashamed or had some kind of guilt.


N ò mọ̀ bóyá ojú ń tì í ni tàbí ẹ̀rí ọkàn ń jẹ́ ẹ.


I really don't know.


N ò mọ̀.


But it was then when I realized that some young Tibetans don't want to speak their own language as if they were being pressured to speak another language.


Ṣùgbọ́n ìgbà náà ni mo tó mọ̀ pé àwọn ọ̀dọ́ Tibet kan ò fẹ́ sọ èdè wọn bí ẹni pé wọn kàn-án nípa fún wọn láti sọ èdè elédè.


At the time, Lhamo was only 12 years old.


Ní ìgbà yẹn, Lhamo jẹ́ ọmọ ọdún 12.


Feeling insecure about her identity, she convinced her parents to move back to a neighborhood with a Tibetan community.


"Ẹ̀míi rẹ̀ ò lé ""lẹ̀ nípa ìdánimọ̀ọ rẹ̀, ó yìí ọkàn àwọn òbí rẹ̀ padà láti kó lọ sí àdúgbò tí àwọn ọmọ Tibet ń gbé."


From then on, she learned more about Tibetan language, culture and Buddhism and became an activist.


Láti ìgbà náà wá, ó kọ́ nípa èdè, àṣà àti ìṣẹ̀ṣe Buddha ti Tibet, ó sì di àjà-fún-ẹ̀tọ́ ọmọ ènìyàn.


Tibetan values, such as be considerate, be respectful to the elderly, ignorance as the root for negativity and etc., has give me a lot of strength.


Àwọn àdáyanrí ìwà Tibet bíi ìní elẹgbẹ́ ẹni lọ́kàn, ìbọ̀wọ̀ fún àgbà, àìmọ̀kan ní ìpilẹ̀ ìbàjẹ́, ti fún mi ní ìgboyà.


And the more I understand my culture, the more confident I feel.


Bí ìmọ̀ mi ṣe ń lé kún sí i nínú àṣà ìbílẹ̀ẹ mi, ní ìgboyà mi ṣe ń pọ̀ sí i.


This strength and confidence, she says, has enabled her to speak up as an immigrant and a Tibetan:


Agbára àti ìgboyà yìí, bí ó ṣe sọ, tí mú u láti lè sọ̀rọ̀ akin gẹ́gẹ́ bí atọ̀hùn-rìnwá àti ọmọ Tibet:


Being an immigrant is very difficult, but this struggle is what makes me who I am.


Ó le láti jẹ́ atọ̀hùn-rìnwá, ṣùgbọ́n ìjàjàǹgbara yìí ní ó sọ mí di bí mo ṣe wà.


Today, I speak about the Tibetan people loud and clear with pride thanks to the strength that my identity as a Tibetan gives me.


Lónìí, mò ń sọ̀rọ̀ ní ohùn ìrara nípa àwọn ará Tibet ní kíkankíkan àti ìwúrí ọlọ́pẹ́ tí ìdánimọ̀ọ mi gẹ́gẹ́ bí ọmọ Tibet fún mi.


During the student council election, I often emphasize the need for the marginalized to have their own representation during the student council elections.


Nígbà tí à ń dìbò ìgbìmọ̀ akẹ́kọ̀ọ́, mo máa ń tẹnu mọ ọn pé ó yẹ kí àwọn tí wọ́n ayàsọ́tọ̀ ní aṣojú nígbà ìdìbò.


We need representation so that our rights be upheld.


À ń fẹ́ aṣojú tí yóò rí i wípé à ń rí ẹtọ wa gbà lóòrèkóòrè.


Suffering will end


Ìjìyà yóò wá sópin


For Lhamo, the ideal world is one without borders or boundaries - Tibetan independence and autonomy is not the real issue at stake.


Fún Lhamo, ayé tí ó pé pérépéré ni èyí tí kò sí ìdálọ́wọ́kọ́ tàbí ìyàsọ́tọ̀ - Òmìnira Tibet àti ìdádúróo rẹ̀ kọ́ ni ohun tí ó hún jẹ wá lẹ́sẹ̀.


My vision for Tibet is the same vision that I have for the whole world: I wish for Tibetan people to enjoy the same rights as Canadians, namely freedom to express themselves, freedom of belief, freedom to avoid political oppression.


Ìmísí ọjọ́ ọ̀la mi sí Tibet kan náà ni mo ní sì gbogbo àgbá-ńlá-ayé: Mo fẹ́ jẹ́ kí ẹ̀tọ́ tí àwọn ará Tibet ń jẹ gbádùn máà yàtọ̀ sí ti àwọn Canada, àwọn ni òmìnira láti lè sọ èrò ọkàn ẹni, òmìnira láti ní ìgbàgbọ́, òmìnira láti máà fi òṣèlú pá ẹniẹlẹ́ni lẹ́kún.


I don't only wish for Tibetan people to enjoy these rights, I also wish that people from Hong Kong and Taiwan, Eastern Turks, the 60 million refugees around the world and for everyone to enjoy these rights.


N ò ṣe ojúṣàájú fún àwọn ará Tibet láti ní àwọn ẹ̀tọ́ wọn yìí nìkan, ó wù mí kí àwọn tí wọ́n wá láti Hong Kong àti Taiwan, ìwọ̀-oòrùn Turkey, àwọn ẹgbẹẹgbẹ̀rún lọ́nà ẹgbẹ̀rún ní ìlọ́po méjì 60 ẹni ogúnléndé tí ó wà ní kárí ayé àti fún gbogbo àwọn ènìyàn láti jàǹfààní ẹ̀tọ̀ wọ̀nyí.


Many people in Hong Kong believe that China has become more authoritarian in recent years, adopting a more heavy-handed policy towards political dissidents and ethnic minorities.


Ọ̀pọ̀ àwọn èèyàn láti Hong Kong ní ìgbàgbọ́ pé China tí ń lo agbára tìkúùkú, wọ́n sì ń lo ètò ìlú láti ṣẹ́ àwọn ọ̀tá àti àwọn ẹ̀yà tí kò pọ̀ lẹ́yìn.


Even in Hong Kong, the space for freedom of speech and association has diminished.


Kódà ni Hong Kong, àyè láti sọ ọ̀rọ̀ ẹnu ẹni jáde àti láti bá èèyàn ṣe pọ̀ ti jákulẹ̀.


Chemi Lhamo is familiar with the political challenges faced in Hong Kong after the 2014 Umbrella movement but she shared her optimism with Hong Kong people and urged them not to give up:


Àwọn ìpèníjà òṣèlú tí ó ń kojú wọn ní Hong Kong lẹ́yìn Àkójọpọ̀ Ẹgbẹ́ Alábùradà; 2014 Umbrella Movement kò ṣe àjòjì sí Chemi Lhamo, ṣùgbọ́n ó bá àwọn ará Hong Kong kẹ́dùn, ó pẹ̀tù sí wọn lọ́kàn pé kò kí wọ́n máà ṣe juwọ́ sílẹ̀:


I learned a concept from the Tibetan culture known as impermanence: everything has an end and I believe that all suffering will also end...I hope that one day I'll be able to go to Tibet wearing my Chuba.


Mo kọ́ ẹ̀kọ́ kan nínú àṣà àwọn Tibet nípa àìwàfúnìgbàpípẹ́: gbogbo nǹkan ni òpin yóò dé bá. Mo ní ìgbàgbọ́ pé ìjìyà gbogbo ń bọ̀ wá dópin...Mo ní ìrètí pé ọjọ́ kan ń bọ̀ tí mo máa wọ aṣọ Chuba mi lọ sí Tibet.


A steep price hike for passport applications pushed Angolans to protest


Àfilé iye owó fún gbígba ìwé ẹ̀rí ọmọ-ìlú-fún-ìrìnnà mú àwọn ọmọ Angola fi ẹ̀hónú hàn


"At a protest in Luanda, the sign says ""30.500 Kwanzas is a lot."""


"Ní ibi ìfẹ̀hónúhàn ní Luanda, àmì náà sọ pé ""30.500 Kwanzas kì í ṣe kékeré."""


Photo by Fernando Gomes, used with permission.


Àwòrán láti ọwọ́ọ Fernando Gomes, a gba àṣẹ láti lò ó.


Angolans are enraged about the government's new passport fee of 30,500 kwanzas (around 97 US dollars), introduced on 21 January.


Inú ń bí àwọn ọmọ orílẹ̀-èdè Angola látàrí iye owó ìwé ẹ̀rí ọmọ-ìlú-fún-ìrìnnà tuntun 30,500 kwanzas (ó tó 97 owó dollar) tí ìjọba ṣẹ̀ṣẹ̀ polongo ní ọjọ́ 21 oṣù Ṣẹẹrẹ.


Previously, the fee costed 2500 kwanzas (8 US dollars).


2500 kwanzas (owó dollar orílẹ̀-èdè US mẹ́jọ) ni ó jẹ́ tẹ́lẹ̀tẹ́lẹ̀.


In addition, the government has put in place a new price scale for all types of travel.


Ní àfikún, ìjọba ti pín iye owó irúfẹ́ ìrìnàjò tí ó wà sí ọ̀tọ̀ọ̀tọ̀, ó tò ó ní ẹsẹẹsẹ.


It states that authorities will charge 45,250 kwanzas for a staying visa; 21,350 for a tourist visa; 36,500 for tourist visas given at the border; 38,125 for extensions of working visas; 15,250 for medical visas; and 30,500 for a permanent residency card.


Lábẹ́ ìlànà tuntun yìí ni ìjọba yóò ti máa gba 45,250 kwanzas fún ìwé ìwọ̀lú ìdúró-sí-ìlú; 21,350 fún ìwé ìwọ̀lú ìrìnàjò-afẹ́; 36,500 fún ìwé ìwọ̀lú àgbàníbodè; 38,125 fún ìsúnsíwájú ìwé ìwọ̀lú iṣẹ́; 15,250 fún ìwé ìwọ̀lú ọ̀rọ̀ ìlera ara; àti 30,500 fún ìwé pélébé ìgbélùú.


Valdemar José, spokesperson for the Interior Ministry, told Angola Press that the price rise for ordinary passports was justified by the higher cost of producing the document:


Agbẹnusọ fún Ẹ̀ka Ìjọba tí ó ń ṣe àbójútó ètò ìforúkọsílẹ̀, Valdemar José, sọ fún àwọn akọ̀ròyìn ìbílẹ̀ Angola pé ìdíyelé fún ìwé ìrìnnà ìwọ̀lú lásán-làsàn lọ sí òkè nítorí owó gegere ni ó ń jẹ láti ṣe ìwé náà:


The government adjusted the real value of the passport and stopped subsidising it, giving, for example, priority to issues of water, light and products of primary necessity.


Ìjọba rí i wípé ó tó àsìkò láti sún owó ìwé ẹ̀rí ọmọ-ìlú-fún-ìrìnnà, ó sì ti yọ ọwọ́ọ Kílàńkóo rẹ̀ kúrò nínú kíkó owó lé e lórí, kí ó ba lè ṣe, fún àpẹẹrẹ, pèsè omi, ináa mànàmáná àti àwọn ohun amáyérọrùn mìíràn.


The materials for producing passports have a higher cost, because of the security features in the documents, which until now the state subsidised.


Ohun èlò fún ìwé ẹ̀rí ọmọ-ìlú-fún-ìrìnnà máa ń gbọ́n owó mì, nítorí iṣẹ́ ìdáàbòbò oríi rẹ̀, tí àjọ ọba ń kówó lé lórí tẹ́lẹ̀ kí ó tó di ìgbà yìí.


This is reminiscent of what Mozambicans experienced in late 2018, when the government also decided to increase the fees for legal documents, as well as for driving licenses, by 500 per cent.


Èyí jẹ́ ìrántí ohun tí ojú àwọn ọmọ Mozambique rí ní ìparí ọdún-un 2018, nígbàtí ìjọba pinnu láti fi owó kún ìwé àṣẹ gbogbo, bẹ́ẹ̀ náà ni ó bá ìwé àṣẹ ọkọ̀ wíwà, tí ìdíyelée rẹ̀ fi ìdá 500 gbéwó lórí.


The price hike has sparked controversy.


Àfilé iye owó náà ti dá awuyewuye sílẹ̀.


A protest by around 100 youths took place on 4 February, and was promoted by a group of citizens who saw the government's measure as a clear attempt to restrict people's right to travel.


Ìfẹ̀hónúhàn ọ̀dọ̀ tí ó tó bíi 100 wáyé ní ọjọ́ kẹ́rin oṣù Èrèlé, pẹ̀lú àtìlẹ́yìn ẹgbẹ́ àwọn ọmọ ìlú kan tí ó rí ìgbésẹ̀ ìjọba gẹ́gẹ́ bí ọ̀nà láti gbẹ́sẹ̀ lé ẹ̀tọ́ àwọn ènìyàn fún ìrìnàjò ṣíṣe.


The protest


Ìfẹ̀hónúhàn náà


Protest in Luanda (4 February).


Ìfẹ̀hónúhàn ní Luanda (ọjọ́ kẹrin oṣù Èrèlé).


Photo by Simão Rossi, used with permission.


Àwòrán láti ọwọ́ọ Simão Rossi, a lò ó pẹ̀lú àṣẹ.


On 4 February, Global Voices spoke with Fernando Gomes, an Angolan activist and one of the promoters of the protest, to learn more of the details around the event.


Ní ọjọ́ kẹrin oṣù Èrèlé, Global Voices bá Fernando Gomes, ajìjàǹgbara ọmọ orílẹ̀ èdè Angola tí ó jẹ́ ọ̀kan lára àwọn alátìlẹ́yìn ìfẹ̀hónúhàn náà tàkùrọ̀sọ, láti mọ ohun gbogbo tí ó rọ̀ mọ́ ìṣẹ̀lẹ̀ náà.


He told us:


Ó sọ fún wa:


This [was the] way found to attract the attention of João Lourenço's government, that this is not the best time to increase the price, as citizens lose purchasing power in an exponential way.


Èyí [ni ọ̀nà kan] fún ìpèsí àkíyèsí ìjọba João Lourenço, wípé àfilé ìdíyelé kò yẹ nírú àsìkò yìí, nítorí owó náà ti ṣe gegere ju fún àwọn ọmọ ìlú.


"And that the much alluded to ""diversification of the Angolan economy"" cannot occur exclusively through raising direct taxes, given that they only hit citizens, the political class has various privileges, which are paid for by the already impoverished citizens themselves."


"Àti pé ""iṣẹ́ ìdàgbàsókè ọrọ̀ Ajé orílẹ̀-èdè Angola"" kò lé wáyé nípasẹ̀ àfilé owó orí, nítorí wípé àwọn ọmọ ìlú ni ó ń fi orí kó o, àwọn tí ó wà ní ipò ìjọba ní àǹfààní tí ó pọ̀ ní ìkáwọ́ọ wọn, tí ó ṣe pé àpò ará ìlú tí ó ń rùnpà ni wọ́n ti ń mú owó tí wọ́n ń ná."


Critics say that it is important to remember that a passport is a citizen's identity document abroad and, as such, an inescapable necessity for a lot of citizens.


Àwọn alátakò ti sọ pé ó ṣe pàtàkì láti rántí wípé ìwé ẹ̀rí ọmọ-ìlú-fún-ìrìnnà dúró fún ìdánimọ̀ ọmọ ìlú ní òkè òkun, torí ìdí èyí, kò ṣe é yẹ̀ sílẹ̀ fún wọn.


We are going to be in the capital city's streets for the whole month of February, on staggered days, 4 February was the beginning of the demonstrations, but on the 7th we will return to the streets, and again we will be there on the 11th and on the 13th we will hold a debriefing, if the government does not backtrack on the implementation of the presidential decree.


A máa wà ní ojú òpópónà ní olú ìlú fún oṣù Èrèlé, ní àwọn ọjọ́ kọ̀ọ̀kan tí a yàn, ọjọ́ kẹrin oṣù Èrèlé ni ìwọ́de náà bẹ̀rẹ̀, àmọ́ ní ọjọ́ kéje ni a máa padà sí ojú òpópónà, tí a óò tún wà ní ọjọ́ kankànlá, tí a ó sì jábọ̀ ní ọjọ́ kẹtàlá, bí ìjọba kò bá yí ohùn padà.


"Two young rappers, Lilo Kwanza and Adérito Gonçalves, made a song and video about this protest movement, with the title ""Passport for 30 thousand,"" ironically commenting on the costs of the document to citizens."


"Àwọn akọrin ewì-alohùn ráàpù, Lilo Kwanza àti Adérito Gonçalves, kọ orin kan, tí wọ́n sì ya àwòrán-an orin tí ó dá lóríi ìwọ́de ìfẹ̀hónúhàn yìí, ""Ìwé ẹ̀rí ọmọ-ìlú-fún-ìrìnnà 30,000"" ni àkọlé orin náà, tí ó ń ṣe ẹ̀fẹ̀ lórí iye owó tabua tí ọmọ-ìlú yóò san fún ìwé ìrìnnà."


Days before the demonstration, the Angolan activist Pedrowski Teca said that the passport is more important than the identity card, asking people to join the protest:


Ó ku ọjọ́ díẹ̀ kí ìwọ́de náà ó kò, ajàfúnẹ̀tọ́ ọmọ orílẹ̀-èdè Angola Pedrowski Teca sọ wípé ìwé ẹ̀rí ọmọ-ìlú-fún-ìrìnná pọn dandan ju ìwé ìdánimọ̀ pélébé lọ, ó rọ àwọn ènìyàn láti kọ́wọ̀ọ́ rìn, nítorí àìkọ́wọ̀ọ́ rìn, ní í ṣe ikú pa ọmọ ejò:


International demonstration against the absurd rise in the prices in Migration Acts.


Àwọn àjọ àgbáyé ti dẹ̀yìn kọ Òfin Ìṣíkúrò tí ó pàṣẹ àfilé ìdíyelé tí ó gbéra nílẹ̀ fìrì tí ó sì lọ òkè lálá.


OBS: The identity card (B.I) only identifies an Angolan within national territory.


OBS: Ìwé ìdánimọ̀ pélébé (B.I) wúlò gẹ́gẹ́ bí àmì ìdánimọ̀ ní àárín ìlú Angola.


Outside Angola, the identity card is useless, as the only valid identification document is a passport.


Ní ẹ̀yìn odi ìlú Angola, pánda tí kò wúlò ni ìwé ìdánimọ̀ pélébé, kò sí àmì ìdánimọ̀ kan tí ó wà bí kò ṣe ìwé ẹ̀rí ọmọ-ìlú-fún-ìrìnnà.


We, inside the country, are going to protect and call on our compatriots in the diaspora to follow the same path, as the passport is more useful for them.


Àwa, tí a wà nínú ìlú, ni a ó fi ààbò bò tí a ó sì ké pe àwọn aráa wa ní òkè òkun, kí àwọn náà ó ké gbàjarè, nítorí ìwé ẹ̀rí ọmọ-ìlú-fún-ìrìnnà ṣe kókó fún wọn.


To amplify the message, the activist and university student, David Mendes, wrote, on the day of the demonstration, a message for the Angolan president João Lourenço:


Kí ìròyìn náà ó ba hó ye létí àwọn ènìyàn, ajàfúnẹ̀tọ́ọ nì àti akẹ́kọ̀ọ́ Ifáfitì, David Mendes, kọ, ní ọjọ́ ìwọ́de náà, iṣẹ́-ìjẹ́ fún ààre orílẹ̀-èdè Angola João Lourenço:


Comrade president João Lourenço, it was not for this that the Angolan people voted for you, in no moment of your campaigns did you spoke about a change of price of document, after all what are you thinking?


Ọmọ-ẹgbẹ́ ààrẹ João Lourenço, kì í ṣe nítorí èyí ni àwọn aráa Angola ṣe yàn ọ́ sípò, kò sí ibi tí o ti sọ nínú ìpolongo ìléríi rẹ, o kò sọ pé ìwé ẹ̀rí yóò gbówó lórí, síbẹ̀ kí ni ò ń rò?


Where is the voice of the people?


Kí ni ẹ fi ṣe ohùn àwọn mẹ̀kúnnù?


We already have a miserable life with these price rises, do you have an idea of the difficulty that you are causing for the people?


A ti rí ìrora látàrí àwọn àfilé ìdíyelé, ǹjẹ́ o mọ ìṣòro tí ó ń fà fún àwọn ará ìlú?


We sincerely do not know who is the right man to govern our Angola, how will a youth who has no job find the money to get the documents?


A kò tilẹ̀ mọ ẹni náà tí ó tọ́ láti tukọ̀ orílẹ̀-èdè Angola, báwo ni ọ̀dọ́ tí kò níṣẹ́ tí kò lábọ̀ yóò ṣe rí owó gba ìwé ẹ̀rí?


So far, the government has not reacted publicly, nor announced if it would consider reducing the price of passport.


Pẹ̀lú gbogbo rẹ̀, ìjọba kò ì tíì sọ tó, tàbí kí ó kéde láti sọ bóyá òun yóò mú ìdíyelé náà wálẹ̀.


It's Emancipation Day in Trinidad & Tobago - but is the country free?


Àyájọ́ Ọjọ́ Òmìnira ní Trinidad àti Tobago - àmọ́ ǹjẹ́ orílẹ̀-èdè náà ní òmìnira bí?


Citizens examine what stands in the way of true freedom


Redemption Song Statue, Emancipation Park, Jamaica. Photo by Mark Franco, used with permission.


Ère Orin Ìràpadà, Ọgbà Òmìnira, Jamaica. Àwòrán láti ọwọ́ọ Mark Franco, a gba àṣẹ láti lò ó.


August 1 is celebrated in many Caribbean territories as Emancipation Day, marking the freedom of enslaved Africans who were victims of the transatlantic slave trade.


Ọjọ́ 1 oṣù Ògún ni ọ̀pọ̀ agbègbè tí ó wà ní Caribbean mọ̀ sí Àyájọ́ Ọjọ́ Òmìnira, tí í ṣe ọjọ́ tí a máa ń sààmi ìgbòmìnira àwọn ọmọ Adúláwọ̀ t'ó jìyà ní àsìkò okòwò ẹrú orí òkun atlantic.


Trinidad and Tobago was the first country in the world to declare a national holiday to mark the abolition of slavery, but 34 years after that first public holiday was instituted and 185 years after the Slavery Abolition Act first came into effect, great discussion continues over whether or not the twin-island republic is emancipated.


Trinidad àti Tobago jẹ́ àkọ́kọ́ nínú àwọn orílẹ̀-èdè ní àgbáyé tí yóò ya ọjọ́ sọ́tọ̀ láti fi sọríi ìfòpin sí òwò ẹrú, àmọ́ lẹ́yìn-in 34 ọdún tí ìsinmi àpapọ̀ náà fi ẹsẹ̀múlẹ̀ àti ọdún 185 lẹ́yìn-in tí Àbá òfin Ìfòpin sówò-ẹrú kọ́kọ́ wáyé, awuyewuye ṣì ń lọ lóríi wípé bóyá erékùṣù-ìbejì olómìnira náà ní òmìnira tàbí kò ní.


"Speaking about the issue on July 27, 2019, Prime Minister Dr. Keith Rowley observed that among Trinidad and Tobago's diverse population, people of African descent ""are not doing as well as we expected."""


"Nínú ọ̀rọ̀ọ rẹ̀ nípa òmìnira ní ọjọ́ 27, ọdún-un, Alákòóso Ìlú Dókítà. Keith Rowley ṣàkíyèsí wípé ní àárín àwọn ọmọ bíbíi Trinidad àti Tobago, àwọn tí ó jẹ́ ọmọ Adúláwọ̀ ""kol ṣe dáadáa tó bí ó ṣe yẹ."""


"Rowley said that rising levels of violence which are part of the black, urban youth experience, should be inspiring citizens to ""focus, reflect and have serious conversations about where we are as a nation."""


"Rowley sọ wípé ìwà-ipá tí í ṣe ti ènìyàn dúdú, ìrírí ọ̀dọ̀, ní láti máa ṣe ìwúrí fún àwọn ọmọìlú láti ""fiyèsí, ṣe àfihàn àti ṣe ìtàkùrọ̀sọ pàtàkì nípa ibi tí a wà gẹ́gẹ́ bí orílẹ̀-èdè."""


Chairman of the country's Emancipation Support Committee, Khafra Khambon, agreed.


Alága Ìgbìmọ̀ Àtìlẹ́yìn Òmìnira ti orílẹ̀-èdè náà, Khafra Khambon, gbà.


"Some letters to the editor gave examples of modern slavery to make the point that true emancipation still seems a long way off, while others tried to make the occasion a political one, by criticising certain social services and a culture of ""handouts."""


Àwọn ìwé àpilẹ̀kọ kan sí olóòtú fi àwọn àpẹẹrẹ okòwò ẹrú ìgbàlódé láwùjọ hàn èyí tí ó fi hàn wípé òmìnira tòòtọ́ ṣì ku díẹ̀ káàtó, nígbà tí àwọn mìíràn gbìyànjú láti sọ ọ́ di ọ̀rọ̀ òṣèlú, bí wọ́n ṣe ń tako àwọn iṣẹ́ ìlú àti àṣà.


The Trinidad Express chose to feature an opinion on Emancipation Day which suggested that Rowley, Kambon, and activist Pearl Eintou Springer were wrong about why some Afro-Trinbagonians may be underperforming:


Ìwé ìròyìn Trinidad Express yàn láti kọ èròo rẹ̀ nípa Àyájọ́ Ọjọ́ Òmìnira tí ó dábàá wípé Rowley, Kambon, àti ajàfẹ́tọ̀ọ́ ọmọ-ènìyàn Pearl Eintou Springer ṣì sọ nígbàtí wọ́n sọ ìdí tí àwọn ọmọìlú Trinidad àti Tobago tí ó jẹ́ ènìyàn dúdú ò fi ṣe dáadáa tó:


It is easy for a dominant group to create a system that discriminates and subjugates.


Ó rọrùn fún ẹgbẹ́ tí ó dúró ṣinṣin láti dá ètòo ẹlẹ́yàmẹyà àti ìtẹ̀bọlẹ̀.


Those who do not measure up to that system are categorised as under-performers and relegated to second class or worse.


Àwọn tí kò bá ètò náà lọ yóò di aláìṣetó tí wọ́n á sì di ẹni àgbésẹ́yìn sí ipò kejì tàbí èyí tí ó burú ju bẹ́ẹ̀ lọ.


So many of our systems, education the leader, put people unfairly in a caste and they are not given a second chance.


Ọ̀pọ̀lọpọ̀ àwọn ètòo wa, ẹ̀kọ́ tí í ṣe baba, ń gbé àwọn ènìyàn sí ipòo tálákà, kò sì fún wọn ní àǹfààní lẹ́ẹ̀kan sí i.


Every system has a rating and the further away it is from the top, the lower the ranking.


Gbogbo ètò ni ó ní òṣùwọ̀n, tí ó ṣì jìnà gbégbérégbé sí òkè.


Those who find themselves on the bottom rung have great difficulty coping with the elevated systems.


Àwọn tó bá ara wọn ní ìsàlẹ̀ ní ìṣòro láti bá àwọn tí ó wà ní òkè ṣe.


Self-esteem is low and in their perceived helplessness may even drive them to employ violence to counter-punch suppression.


Iyì-ara-ẹni máa ń relẹ̀, tí èyí yóò sì mú wọn hu ìwà-ipá láti jà fún ẹ̀tọ́ọ wọn láwùjọ.


"Commentator Arthur Dash lauded the country's ""commendable history of maturity"" when it comes to discussing race-related issues, but he also suggested the problem lay deeper, within the system itself, and suggested the prime minister's message should motivate citizens to examine how institutional racism continues to be a restrictive force."


"Ajábọ̀-ìròyín Arthur Dash gbóríyìn fún ""ìṣẹ̀lẹ̀-àtẹ̀yìnwá ìdàgbàsókè"" orílẹ̀-èdè náà ní ti ọ̀ràn-an ẹ̀yà, àmọ́ ó tún dá àbá wípé ìṣòro náà ju bí àwọn ti ṣe rò lọ, ó sì mú u ní àbá pé ó yẹ kí ọ̀rọ̀ alákòóso ìlú jẹ́ ìwúrí fún ọmọìlú láti ṣe ìwádìí fínnífínní sí bí ẹlẹ́yàmẹyà nínú ilé-iṣẹ ṣe ń pín àwọn ènìyàn sọ́tọ̀ọ̀tọ̀."


Social media users shared their musings as well. In a public post, Facebook user Adrian Raymond said:


Àwọn òǹlò ẹ̀rọ-alátagbà sọ ti wọn. Òǹlò Facebook Adrian Raymond sọ:


On this day we remember and commemorate the freedom of our ancestors from the physical bondage of slavery.


Ní ọjọ́ òní a ṣe ìrántí àti ìsààmì òmìnira àwọn babańláa wa nínú ìgbèkùn ara ti òwò ẹrú.


Today, many generations later, we the decendants [sic] of slaves struggle with the legacies left by colonialism.


Ní òní, lẹ́yìn ọ̀pọ̀lọpọ̀ ọdún, àwa ọmọ ẹrú tí à ń jà fitafita fún àjogúnbá ìjọba amúnisìn.


Legacies which thrive and are perpetuated by stereotypes: We are not savage, we are not violent, we are not predators, we are not just thugs and gangsters.


Àwọn àjogúnbá tí ó gbèèrú àti tí ó ní ìmúgbòrò ti di gbẹndẹ́kẹ: A ò kí ń ṣe òǹrorò, a ò kí ń ṣe oníjàgídíjàgan, a ò kí ń ṣe apanijẹ, a ò kàn kí ń ṣe ọ̀daràn àti ọmọ-ìta.


We are leaders, revolutionary thinkers, visionaries, philosophers.


Olórí ni wa, aronújinlẹ̀ ni wa, ọlọ́pọlọ pípé ni wa, onímọ̀ ni wa.


We are Obama, Garvey, Marley, Angelou, Walcott.


Obama ni wá, Garvey ni wa, Marley ni wa, Angelou ni wa, Walcott ni wa.


Let us recognize that colourism is an inherited tool used to divide us.


Ẹ jẹ́ ká mọ̀ wípé ìyàsọ́tọ̀ọ̀tọ̀ nípa ti àwọ̀ ara ni ogún tí ó ń pín wa níyà.


Let us call out respectability politics: a culture of dilution; stop playing down blackness to make it palatable to the masses...


Ẹ jẹ́ kí á ṣe ìṣèlú tó kún fún ọ̀wọ̀; ẹ dẹ́kun à ń ba dúdú jẹ́ ní etí àwọn ènìyàn...


Let us celebrate the rediscovery of our faith and belief systems.


"Ẹ jẹ́ ká ṣ""àjọyọ̀ àtúnrí àwọn ìgbàgbọ́ọ wa."


They took away the religion of our ancestors, they took away a belief system and sense of values.


Wọ́n gba ẹ̀sìn àwọn babańláa wa, wọ́n mú ìgbàgbọ́ àti ohun iyìi wa kúrò ní ọkàn-an wa.


In today's world of information access you owe it to yourself to explore the belief systems of our ancestors, the reverence and honouring of the elders, the owning of one's actions an emphasis on choice and consequence, there is belief in the family, the extended family, the village, the community.


Ní ayé òde òní tí ẹ̀rọ ayélujára mú iṣẹ́ ìwádìí rọrùn, ó yẹ kí o ṣe àyẹ̀wò sí ìgbàgbọ́ àwọn babańláa wa, ìbọ̀wọ̀ àti ìmọrírì àgbà, gbígba ìwùsàsí ẹni ìtẹnumọ́ ẹwùn àti èrè ìwà ẹni, ìgbàgbọ́ ń bẹ nínú ẹbí, nínúu mọ̀lẹ́bí, nínú ìletò, nínúu àdúgbó.


This emancipation embrace the fullness and richness of who you are, where you came from, the blood and history that's in your veins.


Òmìnira yìí faramọ́ ẹni tí o jẹ́, ibi tí o ti ṣẹ̀ wá, ẹ̀jẹ̀ àti ìṣẹ̀lẹ̀-àtẹ̀yìwá tí ó wà nínú iṣan-ẹ̀jẹ̀.


Own with pride who you are, your culture, your identity.


Gbá iyìi rẹ̀ mú, àṣàà rẹ, àti ìdánimọ̀ọ rẹ.


Bangladeshis use social media to tackle a dengue outbreak


Àwọn ọmọ Bangladeshi lo ẹ̀rọ-alátagbà fi gbógun ti àjàkálẹ̀ àìsàn ibà-ẹ̀fọn


Many are resorting to social media to collect blood


"Ọ̀gọ̀rọ̀ l""ó ń d'orí kọ ẹ̀rọ-alátagbà lọ láti gba ẹ̀jẹ̀"


Aedes albopictus mosquito, a carrier of Dengue fever.


Ẹ̀fọn Aedes albopictus, tí ó máa ń gbé kòkòrò ibà ká.


Image via Wikipedia by James Gathany, CDC. Public Domain.


Àwòrán láti oríi Wikipedia, James Gathany, CDC ni ó ni àwòrán, àwòrán Òde.


In the past few years, especially during the monsoon season, the number of dengue fever cases has risen in Bangladesh.


Ní àárín ọdún, mélòó kan tí ó kọjá, pàápàá ní àsìkò ìjì ọdọọdún monsoon, iye àwọn tí àìsàn-an ibàa ẹ̀fọn ti kọlù ní Bangladeshì ti lékún síi.


This year, it took an alarming turn with a total of 7,179 cases recorded - nearly 2800 of them from the first half of July alone.


Ní ọdún yìí, àwọn tí àìsàn-an ibàá kọlù tó bíi 7,179, àwọn - 2800 ní sáà kínní osùu Agẹmọ nìkan.


As government resources are seemingly overwhelmed by the severity of this recent spike in dengue cases, people are turning to social media to voice their complaints, share information about the spread of the virus, and to spread awareness about how people can protect themselves.


Bí ètò ìjọba ò ṣe dántọ́ tó láti borí àjàkálẹ̀ àìsàn ibà tí ó gbòde yìí, àwọn ènìyàn ń gbẹ́kẹ̀le ẹ̀rọ-alátagbà láti fi sọ ẹ̀dùn-un ọkàn-an wọn, pín àlàyé nípa ìtànkálẹ̀ kòkòrò náà, àti ṣe ìkéde nípa bí àwọn ènìyán ṣe le dá ààbò bo ara wọn.


Record highs in July


Àkọsílẹ̀ Àìsàn Pọ̀ Sí i Ní Osù Agẹmọ


22 July saw record highs as 403 new dengue patients were admitted to hospitals in a 24-hour period.


Ilé ìwòsàn gba àwọn aláìsàn ibà ẹ̀fọn 403 tí ó pọ̀ jù lọ ní ọjọ́ 22 osù Agẹmọ.


According to some experts, the effects of climate change, intermittent rain, unusual weather patterns, and lack of cleanliness are the main culprits for the rise in dengue cases.


Gẹ́gẹ́ bí àwọn onímọ̀ kan ṣe rò, ipa ìyípadà ojú-ọjọ́, òjò àìdágbá kan, ojú-ọjọ́ tó ń ṣe ségesège, àti àìṣèmọ́tótó ni ọ̀dádá tí ó ń dá àtànkálẹ̀ ibà sílẹ̀.


Others also shared that this year's strain of the dengue virus is deadlier than in previous years. According to Twitter user Md. Saif:


Àwọn mìíràn sọ wípé ibà ẹ̀fọn ti ọdún nìí ń ṣekú paon ju ti ẹ̀yìn wá lọ. Ní ti òǹlò Twitter Md. Saif:


"""This year the strain and symptom of the disease have changed so you need to go to your doctor immediately after catching the fever"" - according to an expert physician at the Bangabandhu Medical Hospital."


"""Ibà-ẹ̀fọn àti àmìi rẹ̀ ní ọdún yìí ti yàtọ̀ nítorí ìdí èyí ni o fi ní láti tọ oníṣègùn rẹ̀ lọ ní kété tí o bá ti ní ibà náà"" - gẹ́gẹ́ bí ògbólògbó onímọ̀ ìlera ti Ilé-ìwòsàn Bangabandhu ti sọ."


Severely affected patients are having multiple organ failure - this was unheard of in the previous years.


Àwọn ẹ̀yà ara àwọn aláìsàn tí amodi tẹ̀ ti ń daṣẹ́ sílẹ̀ - a kò gbọ́ èyí rí.


In an interview with the Bangla Tribune, Dr. Gulzar said that people who were previously infected with dengue have a greater risk of reinfection.


Nínú ìfọ̀rọ̀wánilẹ́nuwò pẹ̀lú ìwé ìròyìn Bangla Tribune, Dókítà Gulzar sọ wípé kò sí bí a ṣe lè wo ibà ẹ̀fọn yìí nígbà àkọ́kọ́ tó, kí ó máà tún ṣeni lẹ́ẹ̀ẹkejì.


This year Dengue has a new strain, deadlier.


Ibà-ẹ̀fọn ti ọdún yìí jẹ́ tuntun, ó sì yára pa ènìyàn.


It is inducing Dengue shock syndrome.


Ó sì ń fa àmì ìfòyà.


There may be another cause - many were infected in the previous years, many perhaps did not notice.


Ohun tí ó lè fà á lè pọ̀ - ọ̀pọ̀ ni ó kó àìsàn ní ọdún tí ó kọjá, tí wọn kò fura.


When they are being infected the second time, it is becoming deadlier.


Bí ó bá tún tẹ̀ wọ́n ní ẹ̀rìn kejì, sààárè ń sún mọ́ nìyẹn.


Reports about new infection cases are spreading on social media and many users are becoming increasingly worried.


Ìròyìn nípa àjàkálẹ̀ àìsàn yìí ń gba gbogbo orí ẹrọ-alátagbà kan tí ó sì ń mú àìbalẹ̀ara àti ọkàn bá ọ̀pọ̀lọpọ̀ àwọn òǹlo ẹ̀rọ-alátagbà.


Shofiq Ahmed shared a Tweet about a newly reported case:


Shofiq Ahmed pín Túwíìtì kan nípa ìròyìn àìsàn tuntun:


Even two doctors died in Dengue fever, and people are afraid now.


Àwọn dókítà méjì kan náà kú látàrí ibà-ẹ̀fọn, èyí sì ti ń mú kí àwọn ènìyàn ó máa bẹ̀rù.


The Dhaka Highcourt has summoned the Chief Health Officers of the government.


Ilé-ẹjọ́ Gíga Dhaka ti fi àṣẹ pe Ọ̀gá Àgbà Ètò Ìlera ti ìjọba.


The death toll is incereasing.


Àwọn tí ó ń kú nh pọ̀ ọ́ sí i.


Is the government doing enough?


Ǹjẹ́ ìjọbá ń ṣe tó?


BBC Bangla Facebook page asked its readers to report back about any efforts by city officials in Dhaka to combat the spread the mosquitos.


Ojú-ìwé Facebook ti BBC Bangla rọ àwọn òǹkàwée rẹ̀ láti jábọ̀ àwọn ìgbésẹ̀ akin tí àwọn òníṣẹ́ ìlú Dhaka ń gbé láti gbógun ti ẹ̀fọn.


User Mohammad Mynuddin reported astonishing delays on the part of government officials to address the outbreak:


Òǹlò Mohammad Mynuddin jábọ̀ ìfàsẹ́yìn láti ọwọ́ àwọn òṣìṣẹ́ ìjọba láti kápá àjàkálẹ̀ náà:


Nothing has been seen.


A ò tíì rí nǹkan.


A (City Corporation) worker has said that it would take a few weeks to import the protective drugs to decrease mosquitoes.


Òṣìṣẹ́ Àjọ Ìlú kan ti sọ wípé yóò tó ọ̀sẹ̀ mélòó kan kí egbògi ìdáààbòbò tí yó sì dín ẹ̀fọn kù.


I was astonished 🤔🤔


Ó yà mí lẹ́nu 🤔🤔


With what many see as a lack of government response to the spike in dengue cases, citizens are taking to social media to raise awareness about the virus.


Àwọn kan lérò wípé ìjọba ò mú kiní ibà-ẹ̀fọn ọ̀hún ní kanpá, àwọn ọmọìlú ń lo ẹ̀rọ-alátagbà mú kí àwọn ènìyàn ó mọ̀ nípa kòkòrò náà.


Citizen media news outlet Health Barta uploaded a YouTube video detailing what to do when someone has dengue fever:


Health Barta gbé fídíò kan sí oríi YouTube tí ó ń ṣe àlàyé lẹ́kùnúnrẹ́rẹ́ ohun tí ó pọn dandan láti ṣe bí èèyán bá ní ibà-ẹ̀fọn:


Many are resorting to social media to collect blood for patients.


"Ọ̀gọ̀rọ̀ l""ó ń d'orí kọ ẹ̀rọ-alátagbà lọ láti gba ẹ̀jẹ̀ fún àwọn aláìsàn."