But for that, the countries at entry points need to be massively supported, and then screening the people with security checks and all the other mechanisms, distributing those that are coming into all European countries, according to the possibilities of each country.


Ṣùgbọ́ fún ìyẹn, àwọn orílẹ̀-èdè tó wà ní àwọn ọ̀nà àbáwọlé nílò ìràlọ́wọ́ tó pọ̀, àti ṣíṣe àyẹ̀wò fún àwọn ènìyàn náà pẹ̀lú àyẹ̀wò ajẹmọ́-ààbò àti gbogbo àwọn ètò míràn, pínpín àwọn tí wọ́n ń wọ gbogbo orílẹ̀-èdè Europe, gẹ́gẹ́ bi aṣe é ṣe orílẹ̀-èdè kọ̀ọ̀kan.


I mean, if you look at the relocation program that was approved by the Commission, always too little too late, or by the Council, too little too late --


Mò ń sọ nípa pé, tí ẹ bá wo ètò ìṣípòpadà tí Àjọ náà fọwọ́sí, ó ń kéré jù ó ń pẹ́ jù ní gbogbo ìgbà, tàbí látọ́dọ̀ Àjọ náà, ó ń kéré jù ó ń pẹ́ jù.


BG: It's already breaking down.


BG: Ó ti ń dẹnukọlẹ̀.


AG: My country is supposed to receive four thousand.


AG: ó yẹ kí orílẹ̀-èdè mi gba ẹgbẹ̀rún merin.


Four thousand in Portugal means nothing.


Ẹgbẹ̀rún mẹ́rin ní orílẹ̀-ède Portugal ò túmọ̀ sí nǹkankan.


So this is perfectly manageable if it is managed, but in the present circumstances, the pressure is at the point of entry, and then, as people move in this chaotic way through the Balkans, then they come to Germany, Sweden, basically, and Austria.


Èyí ṣe é mójútó dáadáa tí wọ́n bá mójúto, ṣùgbọ́n pẹ̀lú nǹkan tó ń ṣẹlẹ̀ lọ́wọ́, ọ̀nà àbáwọlé ni ìṣòro wà, lẹ́yìn náà, bí àwọn ènìyàn ṣe ń rìn lọ́nà ìdàrúdápọ̀ sí Balkan, tí wọ́n sì wá sí orílẹ̀-ède Germany, Sweden, ní pàtàkì jùlọ, àti Austria.


They are the three countries that are, in the end, receiving the refugees.


Àwọn ni orílẹ̀-èdè mẹ́ta tí, nígbẹ́yìn, wón ń gba àwọn atìpó náà.


The rest of Europe is looking without doing much.


Àwọn ará ilẹ̀ Europe tókù ń wò láìṣe nǹkankan.


BG: Let me try to bring up three questions, playing a bit devil's advocate.


BG: e jẹ́ kí n bèrè ìbéèrè mẹ́ta, kí ń ṣe ìṣe alátakò.


I'll try to ask them, make them blunt.


Màá gbìyànjú láti bère wọn, láti sọ ojú abẹ níkò.


But I think the questions are very present in the minds of many people in Europe right now, the first, of course, is about numbers.


Ṣùgbọ́n mo rò wí pé àwọn ìbéèrè náà wà ní ọkàn ọ̀pọ̀lọpọ̀ àwọn ènìyàn nílẹ̀ Europe lọ́wọ́lọ́wọ́ báyìí, àkọ́kọ́, bẹ́ẹ̀ ni, nípa iye wọn.


You say 550 million versus one million is not much, but realistically, how many people can Europe take?


Ẹ ní ọ̀tà-dín-léwà-dín-lẹ́gbẹ̀ta kojú ẹgbẹ̀rún-lọ́nà-ẹgbẹ̀rún kan ti pọ̀jù, ṣùgbọ́n lóòótọ́, ènìyàn mélòó ni ilẹ̀ Europe lè gbà?


AG: Well, that is a question that has no answer, because refugees have the right to be protected.


AG: Ó dára, ìbéèrè tí ò ní ìdáhùn nìyẹn, nítorí àwọn atìpó ní ẹ̀tọ́ sí ìdáààbòbò.


"And there is such a thing as international law, so there is no way you can say, ""I take 10,000 and that's finished."


"Nǹkan tó jọ bí òfin ilẹ̀ òkèré wà, nítorí náà kò sí ọ̀nà tí ẹ lè fi sọ wí pé, ""Mo mú ẹgbẹ̀rún mẹ́wà ìyen sì ti tán."


""" I remind you of one thing: in Turkey, at the beginning of the crisis, I remember one minister saying, ""Turkey will be able to receive up to 100,000 people."


""" Mo rán-an yín létí nǹkankan: ní orílẹ̀-ède Turkey, ní ìbẹ̀rẹ rògbòdìyàn náà, mo rántí alákòso kan tó ń sọ wí pé, ""orílẹ̀-ède Turkey máa lè gbà tó ẹgbẹ̀rún lónà ọgọ́rùn ènìyàn."


""" Turkey has now two million three-hundred thousand or something of the sort, if you count all refugees."


""" Orílẹ̀-ède Turkey ti ní ẹgbẹ̀rún-lọ́nà-ẹgbẹ̀rún mẹ́ta àti ẹgbẹ̀rún lọ́nà ọ̀rìn-dín-nírinwó tàbí nǹkan tó jọ bẹ́ẹ̀, tí ẹ bá ka gbogbo àwọn atìpó náà."


So I don't think it's fair to say how many we can take.


Torí náà mí ò rò wí pé ó bójúmu láti sọ wí pé mélòó ni a lè gbà.


What it is fair to say is: how we can we organize ourselves to assume our international responsibilities?


Nǹkan tó bójúmu láti sọ ni wí pé: báwo la ṣelè ṣèto arawa láti gba ojúṣe ilẹ̀-òkère wa?


And Europe has not been able to do so, because basically, Europe is divided because there is no solidarity in the European project.


Ilẹ̀ Europe kò tíì rí ìyẹn ṣe, nítorí ní pàtàkì, ilẹ̀ Europe ti pín nítorí kò sí ìṣọ̀kan nínú iṣẹ́-àkàṣe ilẹ̀ Europe.


And it's not only about refugees; there are many other areas.


Kì í ṣe nípa àwọn atìpó nìkan; àwọn àyè míràn tún wà.


And let's be honest, this is the moment in which we need more Europe instead of less Europe.


Ẹ jẹ́ ká sọ òdodo, àsìkò náà rè é tó ṣe wí pé a nílò ọ̀pọ Europe yàtọ̀ sí díẹ̀ Europe.


But as the public less and less believes in European institutions, it is also each time more difficult to convince the public that we need more Europe to solve these problems.


Ṣùgbọ́n bí àwọn ará ìlú ṣe ń ní ìgbàgbọ́ tó kéré nínú àwọn ilé-iṣẹ́ ilẹ Europe, ní àsìkò kọ̀ọ̀kan yìí náà ló máa ń nira láti yí àwọn ará-ìlú lọ́kàn padà pé a nílò ọ̀pọ ilẹ̀-europe láti yanjú àwọn ìṣòro wọ̀nyìí.


BG: We seem to be at the point where the numbers turn into political shifts, particularly domestically.


BG: Ó jọ bí ẹni wí pé a ti dé ibi tí nọ́ḿbà náà ti yí padà di àyípadà òṣèlú, pàápàá jùlọ lábẹ́lé.


We saw it again this weekend in France, but we have seen it over and over in many countries: in Poland and in Denmark and in Switzerland and elsewhere, where the mood changes radically because of the numbers, although they are not very significant in absolute numbers.


A tún rí i lópin ọ̀sẹ̀ yìí lórílẹ̀-ède France, ṣùgbọ́n a ti rí i láìmọye ìgbà ní ọ̀pọ̀lọpọ̀ àwọn orílẹ̀-èdè: ní Poland àti ní Denmark àti ní Switzerland àti ibòmíràn, níbi tí ìmúlára ti yípadà nítorí nọ́ḿbà, bó tilẹ̀ jẹ́ wí pé wọn ò fi bẹ́ẹ̀ ṣe pàtàkì nínú gbogbo oǹkà.


The Prime Minister of --


Olórí ìgbìmọ̀ ìjọba ti --


AG: But, if I may, on these: I mean, what does a European see at home in a village where there are no migrants?


AG: ṣùgbọ́n, tí mo bá lè, lórí àwọn wọ̀nyí: mò ń sọ nípa pé, kíni ọmọ ilẹ̀ Europe ń rí nílé ní abúlé níbi tí kò sí àwọn aṣíkiri?


What a European sees is, on television, every single day, a few months ago, opening the news every single day, a crowd coming, uncontrolled, moving from border to border, and the images on television were of hundreds or thousands of people moving.


Nǹkan tí ọmọ ilẹ̀ Europe ń rí ni, lórí ẹ̀rọ amóhùn-máwòrán, lójoojúmọ́, ní oṣù díẹ̀ sẹ́yìn, ṣíṣí ìròyìn ní ọjọ́ kọ̀ọ̀kan, àwọn èrò tó ń bọ̀, láì ní ìdarí, tí wọ́n ń lọ láti ibodè sí ibodè, àwọn àwòrán lórí ẹ̀rọ amóhùn-máwòrán jẹ́ ti àwọn ẹgbẹ̀rún lọ́nà ọgọ́rùn àwọn ènìyàn tí wọ́n ń lọ.


And the idea is that nobody is taking care of it -- this is happening without any kind of management.


Èrò wa ni wí pé kò sí ẹni tó ń ṣe àmójútó rẹ̀ -- èyí ń ṣẹlẹ̀ láìsí àmójútó kankan.


"And so their idea was, ""They are coming to my village."


"Nítorí náà èro wọn ni wí pé, ""Wọ́n ń bọ̀ wá sí abúlé mi."


""" So there was this completely false idea that Europe was being invaded and our way of life is going to change, and everything will -- And the problem is that if this had been properly managed, if people had been properly received, welcomed, sheltered at point of entry, screened at point of entry, and the moved by plane to different European countries, this would not have scared people."


""" Èro irọ́ pátápátá yìí wà wí pé wọ́n ń kógun ja ilẹ̀ Europe àti wí pé àṣa wa máa yí padà, gbogbo nǹkan náà ló máa rí bẹ́ẹ̀ -- ìṣòro náà ni wí pé tí wọ́n bá ti mójútó o dáadáa ni, tí wọ́n bá gba àlejò àwọn ènìyàn bó ṣe tọ́ ni, tí wọ́n gbà wọ́n, tí wọ́n fún wọn lórùlé ní enu àbáwọlé, tí wọ́n ṣe àyẹ̀wo wọn ní ẹnu àbáwọlé, tí wọ́n sì fi ọkọ̀ òfuurufú gbé wọn lọ sí oríṣiríṣi orílẹ̀-ède ilẹ̀ Europe, èyí ò bá ti má dẹ́rùba àwọn ènìyàn."


But, unfortunately, we have a lot of people scared, just because Europe was not able to do the job properly.


Ṣùgbọ́n, ó ṣeni láànú, a dẹ́rùba ọ̀pọ̀lọpọ̀ àwọn ènìyàn, nítorí ilẹ̀ Europe ò ní àǹfààní láti ṣiṣẹ́ náà bó ṣe yẹ.


BG: But there are villages in Germany with 300 inhabitants and 1,000 refugees.


BG: ṣùgbọ́n àwọn abúlé kan wà ní orílẹ̀-ède Germany pẹ̀lu ọ̀rìn-dín-nírinwó àwọn olùgbé àti ẹgbẹ̀rún kan àwọn ogúnléndé.


So, what's your position?


Nítorí náà, kíni ipò yín?


How do you imagine these people reacting?


Báwo lẹ ṣe rò wí pé àwọn ènìyàn yìí ṣe ń húwà?


AG: If there would be a proper management of the situation and the proper distribution of people all over Europe, you would always have the percentage that I mentioned: one per each 2,000.


AG: Tí àmójútó tó bójúmu bá wà fún ìṣẹ̀lẹ̀ náà àti pínpín àwọn ènìyàn káàkiri ilẹ̀ Europe lónà tó bójúmu, e ó máa ní ìdá tí mo mẹ́nubà ní gbogbo ìgbà: ẹyọkan nínú ẹgbẹ̀rún méjì.


It is because things are not properly managed that in the end we have situations that are totally impossible to live with, and of course if you have a village -- in Lebanon, there are many villages that have more Syrians than Lebanese; Lebanon has been living with that.


Nítorí pé wọn ò ṣàmójútó nǹkan lónà tó yẹ nígbẹ́yìn lafi ní ìṣẹ̀lẹ̀ tí kò ṣe é ṣe láti gbé pẹ̀lú rárá, bẹ́ẹ̀ sì ni tí ẹ bá ní abúlé kan -- ní orílẹ̀-ède Lebanon, ọ̀pọ̀lọpọ̀ àwọn abúlé ló wà tí wọ́n ní ọ̀pọ̀ àwọn ọmọ orílẹ̀-ède Syria ju ọmọ orílẹ̀-ède Lebanon lọ; orílẹ̀-ède Lebanon ti ń gbé pẹ̀lú ìyẹn.


I'm not asking for the same to happen in Europe, for all European villages to have more refugees than inhabitants.


Mi ò sọ wí pé kí irú rẹ̀ ṣẹlẹ̀ ní ilẹ̀ Europe, fún gbogbo àwọn abúlé nílẹ̀ Europe láti ní atìpó ju àwọn olùgbé lọ.


What I am asking is for Europe to do the job properly, and to be able to organize itself to receive people as other countries in the world were forced to do in the past.


Nǹkan tí mò ń bèrè ni kí ilẹ̀ Europe ṣe iṣẹ́ náà bó ṣe tọ́, láti lè ṣe àtúntò ara rẹ̀ láti gba àwọn ènìyàn gẹ́gẹ́ bi wọ́n ṣe fipá mú àwọn orílẹ̀-èdè míràn lágbàyé láti ṣe é sẹ́yìn.


BG: So, if you look at the global situation not only at Europe --


BG: nítorí náà, tí ẹ bá wo ìṣẹ̀lẹ̀ náà lágbàyé tí kìí ṣe ilẹ̀ Europe nìkan --


BG: Yes!


BG: bẹ́ẹ̀ ni!


BG: If you look at the global situation, so, not only at Europe, I know you can make a long list of countries that are not really stepping up, but I'm more interested in the other part -- is there somebody who's doing the right thing?


BG: Tí ẹ bá wo ìṣẹ̀lẹ náà lágbàyé, nítorí, kìí ṣe ní ilẹ̀ Europe nìkan, mo mọ̀ wí pé ẹ lè ṣe àkójọpọ̀ àwọn orílẹ̀-èdè tí wọn ò gbéra sọ, ṣùgbọ́n mo nífẹ̀ nínú apá kejì -- ǹjẹ́ ènìkán wà tó ń ṣe nǹkan tó yẹ?


AG: Well, 86 percent of the refugees in the world are in the developing world.


AG: Ó dára, ìdá 86 àwọn ogúnléndé tó wà lágbàyé ni wọ́n wà ní àwọn orílẹ̀-èdè tó ń dágbà sókè.


And if you look at countries like Ethiopia -- Ethiopia has received more than 600,000 refugees.


Bí ẹ bá wo àwọn orílẹ̀-èdè bi Ethiopia -- Ethiopia ti gba àwọn ogúnléndé tó ju ẹgbẹ̀rún-lọ́nà 600 lọ.


All the borders in Ethiopia are open.


Gbogbo ibodè Ethiopia ló wà ní ṣíṣí sílè.


"And they have, as a policy, they call the ""people to people"" policy that every refugee should be received."


"Wọ́n sì ní, gẹ́gẹ́ bi ìpinnu, tí wọ́n ń pè ní ìpinnu ""ènìyàn sí ènìyàn"" wí pé gbogbo ogúnléndé gbọ́dọ̀ di gbígbà wọlé."


And they have South Sudanese, they have Sudanese, they have Somalis.


Wọ́n sì ní àwọn ọmọ orílẹ̀-ède South Sudan, wọ́n ní àwọn ọmọ orílẹ̀-ède Sudan, wọ́n ní àwọn ọmọ orílẹ̀-ède Somalia.


They have all the neighbors.


Wọ́n ní gbogbo àwọn alájọgbé.


They have Eritreans.


Wọ́n ní àwọn ọmọ orílẹ̀-ède Eritrea.


And, in general, African countries are extremely welcoming of refugees coming, and I would say that in the Middle East and in Asia, we have seen a tendency for borders to be open.


Làpapọ̀, àwọn orílẹ̀-èdè Adúláwò ń gba àwọn atìpó tó ń bọ̀ gidi gan-an, mà á sì sọ wí pé ní Àárín Gbùngbun Ìlà Oòrùn àti ní Asia, a ti rí aṣe é ṣe fún ibodè láti di ṣíṣí sílẹ̀.


Now we see some problems with the Syrian situation, as the Syrian situation evolved into also a major security crisis, but the truth is that for a large period, all borders in the Middle East were open.


Báyìí à rí àwọn ìṣòro kọ̀ọ̀kan pẹ̀lú ìṣẹ̀lẹ orílẹ̀-ède Syria, bí ìṣẹ̀lẹ orílẹ̀-ède Syria ṣe yípadà di rògbòdìyan ètò-ààbò ńlá, ṣùgbọ́n òótọ́ ibẹ̀ ni wí pé fún ìgbà pípẹ́, gbogbo ibodè tó wà ní Àárín Gbùngbun Ìlà Oòrùn wà ló wà ní ṣíṣí sílẹ̀.


The truth is that for Afghans, the borders of Pakistan and Iran were open for, at the time, six million Afghans that came.


Òtítọ́ ibẹ̀ ni wí pé fún àwọn ọmọ orílẹ̀-ède Afghan, àwọn ibóde Pakistan àti Iran wà ní ṣíṣí fún, ní gbogbo ìgbà, àádọ́ta-ọ̀kẹ́ mẹ́fà ọmọ orílẹ̀-ède Afghan tó bá wá.


So I would say that even today, the trend in the developing world has been for borders to be open.


Mà á sọ wí pé kódà lónìí, ìṣesí ní àwọn orílẹ̀-èdè tó ń dàgbàsókè ni láti jẹ́ kí àwọn ibodè wà ní ṣíṣí sílẹ̀.


The trend in the developed world is for these questions to become more and more complex, especially when there is, in the public opinion, a mixture of discussions between refugee protections on one side and security questions -- in my opinion, misinterpreted -- on the other side.


Ọ̀nà tuntun náà ní àwọn orílẹ̀-èdè tó ti dágbàsókè ni fún àwọn ìbéèrè wọ̀nyí láti túbọ̀ díjú síi, pàápàá jùlọ nígbà tí, ní ìpinnu àwọn ará ìlú, àdàpọ ìjírórò láàárín ààbò ogúnléndé ní apá kan àti àwọn ìbéèrè ààbò -- ní tèmi, àṣìtú ìmọ̀ -- ní apá kejì.


BG: We'll come back to that too, but you mentioned the cutting of funding and the vouchers from the World Food Programme.


BG: A máa padà sí ìyẹn náà, ṣùgbọ́n ẹ mẹ́nuba gígé ìgbọ̀wọ́ àti ìwé-ìgba-nǹkan-ọ̀fẹ́ láti Èto Oúnjẹ Àgbáyé.


That reflects the general underfunding of the organizations working on these issues.


Ìyẹn ṣe àgbéjáde àìrígbòwọ́ àpapọ̀ àwọn àjọ tó ń ṣiṣẹ́ lórí àwọn ọ̀rọ̀ wọ̀nyí.


Now that the world seems to have woken up, are you getting more funding and more support, or it's still the same?


Báyìí tódàbi wí pégbogbo àgbáye ti jí, ṣé ń ń rí ìgbọ̀wọ́ àti àtìlẹyìn sí i, àbí bákan náà ni?


AG: We are getting more support.


AG: à ń rí altìlẹyìn si.


I would say that we are coming close to the levels of last year.


Màá sọ wí pé à ń sún mọ́ ìpele ọdún tó kọjá.


We were much worse during the summer.


Ó burú jáì lásìko ooru.


But that is clearly insufficient to address the needs of the people and address the needs of the countries that are supporting the people.


Ṣùgbọ́n ìyẹn ò tó láti yanjú ohun-èlò àwọn ènìyàn náà àti láti yanjú ohun-èlò àwọn orílẹ̀-èdè tí wọ́n ń ṣe àtìlẹyìn fún àwọn ènìyàn náà.


And here we have a basic review of the criteria, the objectives, the priorities of development cooperation that is required.


Níbí a ní àtúnyẹ́wò ìpìlẹ fún òṣùwọ̀n, èròngbà, àti pàtàki ìdàgbàsókè ìfọwọ́sowọ́pọ̀ tí a fẹ́.


For instance, Lebanon and Jordan are middle-income countries.


Fún àpẹẹrẹ, orílẹ̀-ède Lebanon àti Jordan jẹ́ àwọn orílẹ̀-èdè tí ìpawówọlé wọn wà lágbede méjì.


Because they are middle-income countries, they cannot receive soft loans or grants from the World Bank.


Nítorí wọ́n jẹ́ orílẹ̀-èdè tí ìpawówọlé wọn wà lágbede méjì, wọn ò lè gba ẹ̀yáwó tàbí owó-ìrànwọ́ láti ilé-ìfowópamọ́ àgbáyé.


Now, today this doesn't make any sense, because they are providing a global public good.


Ní báyìí, lónì èyí ò mọ́pọ̀lọ dáni, nítorí wọ́n ń ṣe ìpèse dáadáa gbogbogbò àgbáyé.


They have millions of refugees there, and to be honest, they are pillars of stability in the region, with all the difficulties they face, and the first line of defense of our collective security.


Wọ́n ní ẹgbẹ̀rún-lọ́nà-ẹgbẹ̀rún àwọn ogúnléndé níbẹ̀, ká sọ òdodo, àwọn ni òpó ìdúró ṣinṣin ní ẹkùn náà, pẹ̀lú gbogbo ìdojúkọ tí wọ́n ń kojú, àti aléwájú àtìlẹyìn ètò-ààbò àjọni wa.


So it doesn't make sense that these countries are not a first priority in development cooperation policies.


Torí náà kò mọ́pọlọ dání wí pé àwọn orílẹ̀-èdè wọ̀nyí kọ́ ni pàtàkì àkọ́kọ́ nínú àwọn ìpinnu ìfọwọ́sowọ́pọ̀ ìdàgbàsókè.


And they are not.


Àwọn kọ́.


And not only do the refugees live in very dramatic circumstances inside those countries, but the local communities themselves are suffering, because salaries went down, because there are more unemployed, because prices and rents went up.


Kìí ṣe pé àwọn ogúnléndé ń gbé ní ipò tó bani nínújẹ́ nínú àwọn orílẹ̀-èdè wọ̀nyí nìkan, ṣùgbọ́n àwọn àwùjọ ìbílẹ̀ fúnra wọn náà ń jíyà, nítorí owó-oṣù tí wálẹ̀, nítorí àwọn tí ò níṣẹ́ ti pọ̀, nítorí owó-nǹkan àti owó-ilé ti lọ sókè.


And, of course, if you look at today's situation of the indicators in these countries, it is clear that, especially their poor groups of the population, are living worse and worse because of the crisis they are facing.


Bẹ́ẹ̀ ni, tí ẹ bá wo ìṣẹ̀lẹ tòní nípa àwọn atọ́ka ní àwọn orílẹ̀-èdè wọ̀nyí, ó han kedere pé, pàápàá jùlọ àwọn ẹgbẹ́ wọn tó kúṣẹ̀ẹ́ nínú àwọn ènìyàn, ń gbé ìgbeayé tó búrú jáì nítorí àwọn rògbòdìyàn tí wọ́n ń kojú.


BG: Who should be providing this support?


BG: Ta ló yẹ kó máa pèse ìrànlọ́wọ́ yìí?


Country by country, international organizations, the European Union?


Orílẹ̀-èdè sí orílẹ̀-èdè, àjọ ilẹ̀ òkèèrè, Àjọ-ìgbìmọ Ilẹ̀ Europe?


Who should be coming up with this support?


Ta ló yẹ kó máa mú ìrànlọ́wọ́ yìí wá?


AG: We need to join all efforts.


AG: A nílò láti so gbogbo ìgbìyànjú papọ̀.


It's clear that bilateral cooperation is essential.


Ó hàn gbangba wí pé ìfọwọ́sowọ́pọ̀ aṣeméjì ṣe pàkàkì.


It's clear that multilateral cooperation is essential.


Ó hàn gbangba wí pé ìfọwọ́sowọ́pọ̀ ọlọ́pọ̀ ṣe pàkàkì.


It's clear that international financial institutions should have flexibility in order to be able to invest more massively in support to these countries.


Ó hàn gbangba wí pé àwọn ilé-iṣẹ́ owó ilẹ̀-òkèèrè gbọdọ̀ ní aṣe é yípadà láti lè dókòwò tó pọ̀ ní ìrànlọ́wọ́ fún àwọn orílẹ̀-èdè wọ̀nyí.


We need to combine all the instruments and to understand that today, in protracted situations, at a certain moment, that it doesn't make sense anymore to make a distinction between humanitarian aid and development aid or development processes.


A nílò láti kó gbogbo irinṣẹ́ náà jọ ká sì ní òye pé lónìí, ní ìṣẹ̀lẹ̀ tí yóò pẹ́, ní àsìkò kan, pé kò mọ́pọlọ dání mọ́ láti ṣe ìyàtọ̀ láàárín ìrànwọ́ ẹlẹ́yinjú-àánú àti ìrànwọ́ ìdàgbásókè tàbí ètò-ìgbésẹ̀ ìdàgbàsókè.


Because you are talking about children in school, you are talking about health, you are talking about infrastructure that is overcrowded.


Nítorí ẹ̀ ń sọ̀rọ̀ nípa àwọn ọmọ ní ilé-ẹ̀kọ́, ẹ̀ ń sọ̀rọ̀ nípa ìlera, ẹ̀ ń sọ̀rọ̀ nípa ohun-amáyédẹrùn tó ti kún àkún ya.


You are talking about things that require a long-term perspective, a development perspective and not only an emergency humanitarian aid perspective.


Ẹ̀ ń sọ̀rọ̀ nípa àwọn nǹkan tó gba ojú-ìwòye ìgbà pípẹ́, ojú-ìwòye ìdàgbàsókè kì í ṣe ojú-ìwòye ìrànwọ́ ẹyinjú-àánú pàjáwírì nìkan.


BG: I would like your comment on something that was in newspapers this morning.


BG: mo fẹ́ ṣe àríwísí yín lórí nǹkankan tó wà nínú ìwé ìròyìn ní òwúrọ̀ yìí.


It is a statement made by the current front-runner for the Republican nomination for US President, Donald Trump.


Ọ̀rọ̀ kan tí ẹni tó ń léwájú lọ́wọ́lọ́wọ́ fún ìfàkalẹ̀ Republican fún Ààrẹ ilẹ̀ US, Donald Trump sọ.


Yesterday, he said this.


lánàá, ó sọ èyí.


No, listen to this.


Rárá, ẹ tẹ́tí sí èyí.


It's interesting.


Ó pani lẹ́rìn.


"I quote: ""I am calling for a total and complete shutdown of Muslims entering the US, until our country's representatives can figure out what's going on."


"Mo yọọ́ lò ""Mò ń pè fún ìgbétìpa lápapọ̀ àti pátápátá àwọn mùsùlùmí tí wọ́n ń wọ orílẹ̀-ède US, títí tí àwọn aṣojú orílẹ̀-ède wa yóò fi ṣàwárí nǹkan tó ń ṣẹlẹ̀."


""" How do you react to that?"


""" Kíni èsì tí ẹ ó fi sí ìyẹn?"


AG: Well, it's not only Donald Trump.


AG: Ó dáa, kìí ṣe Donald Trump nìkan.


We have seen several people around the world with political responsibility saying, for instance, that Muslims refugees should not be received.


A ti rí ọ̀pọ̀lọpọ̀ àwọn ènìyàn káàkiri àgbáyé pẹ̀lú ojúṣe òṣèlú tí wọ́n ń sọ, fún àpẹẹrẹ, pé àwọn ogúnléndé Mùsùlùmí ò gbọdọ̀ di gbígbà wọlé.


And the reason why they say this is because they think that by doing or saying this, they are protecting the security of their countries.


Ìdí tí wọ́n fi ń sọ èyí ni wí pé wọ́n rò wí pé pẹ̀lu ṣíṣe tàbí sísọ èyí, àwọ́n ń dáààbò bo ètò-ààbò orílẹ̀-ède wọn ni.


Now, I've been in government.


Ní báyìí, mo ti wà nínú ìjọba rí.


I am very keen on the need for governments to protect the security of their countries and their people.


Mo tẹra mọ́ pàtàkì fún ìjọba láti dáààbò bo ètò-ààbò orílẹ̀-ède wọn àti àwọn ẹnìyan wọn.


"But if you say, like that, in the US or in any European country, ""We are going to close our doors to Muslim refugees,"" what you are saying is the best possible help for the propaganda of terrorist organizations."


"Ṣùgbọ́n tí ẹ bá sọ wí pé, bí ìyẹn, ní orílẹ̀-ède US tàbí ní orílẹ̀-ède ilẹ̀ Europe Kankan, ""a maa ti ilẹ̀kun wa mọ́ àwọn mùsùlùmi ogúnléndé,"" nǹkan tí ẹ̀ ń sọ ni ìrànlọ́wọ́ aṣe é ṣe tó dára jù fún àhesọ ìjọ àwọn agbésùmọ̀mí."


Because what you are saying --


Torí nǹkan tí ẹ̀ ń sọ --


What you are saying will be heard by all the Muslims in your own country, and it will pave the way for the recruitment and the mechanisms that, through technology, Daesh and al-Nusra, al-Qaeda, and all those other groups are today penetrating in our societies.


Nǹkan tí ẹ̀ ń sọ máa di gbígbọ́ fún gbogbo àwọn mùsùlùmí ní orílẹ̀-ède tiyín, yóò sì ṣínà fún ìgbaniwọlé àti àwọn ètò tí, nípasẹ̀ ìmọ̀-ẹ̀rọ, Daesh àti al-Ausra, al-Qaeda, àti gbogbo àwọn ẹgbẹ́ mìíràn wọ̀nyẹn tí wọ́n ń wọ àwùjọ wa lónì.


"And it's just telling them, ""You are right, we are against you."


"Ó kàn ń sọ fún wọn pé, ""òótọ́ lẹ sọ, à ń takò yín."


""" So obviously, this is creating in societies that are all multiethnic, multi-religious, multicultural, this is creating a situation in which, really, it is much easier for the propaganda of these terrorist organizations to be effective in recruiting people for terror acts within the countries where these kinds of sentences are expressed."


""" Ó fojú hàn, èyí ń ṣe ìdásílẹ̀ ní àwọn àwùjọ tí wọ́n jẹ́ oníran-púpọ̀, ẹlẹ́sìn-púpọ̀, aláṣà-púpọ̀, èyí ń ṣeìdáṣílẹ̀ àwọn ìṣẹ̀lẹ̀ tó ṣe wí pé, lóòótọ́, ó máa rọrùn fún àhesọ àwọn ìjọ agbésùmọ̀mí wọ̀nyí láti fẹsẹ̀múlẹ̀ nínú ìgbaniwọlé àwọn ènìyàn fún ìwà ìgbésùnmọ̀mí láàárín orílẹ̀-ède níbi tí wọ́n bá ti ń sọ irú àwọn gbólóhùn wọ̀nyí."


BG: Have the recent attacks in Paris and the reactions to them made your job more difficult?


BG: Ǹjẹ́ àwọn ìkọlù tó ṣẹlẹ̀ ní Paris láìpẹ́ yìí àti ìdáhùn sí wọn ti jẹ́ kí iṣẹ́ yín ó nira sí i?


AG: Undoubtedly.


AG: láìsí àníàní.


BG: In what sense?


BG: lọ́nà wo?


AG: In the sense that, I mean, for many people the first reaction in relation to these kinds of terrorist attacks is: close all borders -- not understanding that the terrorist problem in Europe is largely homegrown.


AG: lónà tó jẹ́ wí pé, mò ń sọ nípa pé, fún ọ̀pọ̀lọpọ̀ àwọn ènìyàn ìdáhùn àkọ́kọ́ ní ìbátan sí irú àwọn ìkọlù ìgbésúmọ̀mí wọ̀nyí ni: ẹ ti gbogbo ẹnu ibodè - láìní ìmò wí pé ìṣòro àwọn agbésúmòmí ní ilẹ̀ Europe jẹ́ ti ábẹ́lé lọ́pọ̀lọpọ̀ ìgbà.


We have thousands and thousands of European fighters in Syria and in Iraq, so this is not something that you solve by just not allowing Syrians to come in.


A ní ẹgbẹ̀rún àti ẹgbẹ̀rún àwọn ọmọ-ogun ilẹ̀ Europe ní orílẹ̀-ède Syria àti ní orílẹ̀-ède Iraq, nítorí náà èyí kìí ṣe nǹkan tí ẹ lè yanjú pẹ̀lu àìgba àwọn ọmọ orílẹ̀-ède Syria láyè láti wọlé.


And I must say, I am convinced that the passport that appeared, I believe, was put by the person who has blown -- himself up, yeah.


Mo sì gbọdọ̀ sọ wí pé, mo ní ìdánilójú pé ìwé-ìrìnà tó hàn, mo nígbàgbọ́, ẹni tó fi adó olóró para rẹ̀ náà ló fi síbẹ̀, bẹ́ẹ̀ ni --.


AG: [I believe] it was on purpose, because part of the strategies of Daesh is against refugees, because they see refugees as people that should be with the caliphate and are fleeing to the crusaders.


AG: [Mo gbàgbọ́] wọ́n mọ̀ọ́mọ̀ ṣe é ni, nítorí lára ọgbọ́n àtinúdáa Daesh tako ogúnléndé, nítorí wọ́n rí àwọn ogúnléndé gẹ́gẹ́ bí ènìyàn tó yẹ kó wà pẹ̀lú àwọn mùsùlùmí tí wọ́n wá ń sá lọ bá àwọn oníwàsúù.


And I think that is part of Daesh's strategy to make Europe react, closing its doors to Muslim refugees and having an hostility towards Muslims inside Europe, exactly to facilitate Daesh's work.


Mo sì rò wí pé lára ọgbọ́n àtinúdá Daesh láti jẹ́ kí ilẹ̀ Europe ó fèsì, títi ilẹ̀kùn mọ́ àwọn mùsùlùmi ogúnléndé àti ṣíṣe àtakò sí àwọn mùsùlùmí tọ́ wà nínú Europe, bẹ́ẹ̀ gẹ́lẹ́ láti ṣe àtìlẹyìn fún iṣẹ́ Daesh.


And my deep belief is that it was not the refugee movement that triggered terrorism.


Ìgbàgbọ́ mi tó jinlẹ̀ ni wí pé kìí ṣe ìṣíkiri àwọn ogúnléndé ni ó ṣe okùnfa ìgbésùmọ̀mí.


I think, as I said, essentially terrorism in Europe is today a homegrown movement in relation to the global situation that we are facing, and what we need is exactly to prove these groups wrong, by welcoming and integrating effectively those that are coming from that part of the world.


Mo lérò, gẹ́gẹ́ bí mo ṣe sọ, ní pátàkì jùlọ ìgbésùmọ̀mí ní ilẹ̀ Europe lónìí jẹ́ ìpolongo lábẹ́lé ní ìbátan pẹ̀lú ìṣẹ̀lẹ̀ àgbáyé tí à ń kojú, nǹkan tí a sì nílò ni láti dójúti àwọn ẹgbẹ́ yìí, pẹ̀lú gbígbà wọ́n wọlé ká sì dà àwọn tí wọ́n ń bọ̀ láti apá orílẹ̀-ède yẹn pọ̀ dáadáa.


And another thing that I believe is that to a large extent, what we are today paying for in Europe is the failures of integration models that didn't work in the '60s, in the '70s, in the '80s, in relation to big migration flows that took place at that time and generated what is today in many of the people, for instance, of the second generation of communities, a situation of feeling marginalized, having no jobs, having improper education, living in some of the neighborhoods that are not adequately provided by public infrastructure.


Nǹkan mìíràn tí mo gbàgbọ́ wí pé lọ́nà tó pọ̀, nǹkan tí à ń jìya rẹ̀ nílẹ̀ Europe lónì ni ìkùnà láti ṣe àfibò àwòṣe tí kò ṣiṣẹ́ ní àwọn 60s, ní 70s, ní 80s, ní ìbátan pẹ̀lú ìyípadà àṣíkiri ńlá tó ṣẹlẹ̀ ní ìgbà yẹn tó di nǹkan tó dà lónìí nínú ọ̀pọ̀ ènìyàn, fún àpẹẹrẹ, nínú àwọn ìran kejì àwùjọ, níní ìmọ̀lára ìpatì, láìníṣẹ́, láìní ètò ẹ̀kọ́ tó yè koro, gbígbé ní àwọn àdúgbò tí wọn ò pèse ohun amáyédẹrùn gbogbogbò fún.


And this kind of uneasiness, sometimes even anger, that exists in this second generation is largely due to the failure of integration policies, to the failure of what should have been a much stronger investment in creating the conditions for people to live together and respect each other.


Irú ìnira yìí, nígbà míràn ìbínú, tó máa ń wà ní ìran kejì yìí máa ń jẹ́ nítorí ìkùnà láti ṣe àfibọ̀ ìpinnu, sí ìkùnà nǹkan tó ye kó jẹ́ ìdókòwò tó lágbára nínú ìpèsè àyè fún àwọn ènìyàn láti gbé papọ̀ kí wọ́n sì bọ̀wọ̀ fún ara wọn.


For me it is clear.


Ní tèmi ó hàn kedere.


For me it is clear that all societies will be multiethnic, multicultural, multi-religious in the future.


Ní tèmi ó hàn kedere pé gbogbo àwùjọ yóò di, oníran-púpọ̀, aláṣà-púpọ̀, ẹlẹ́sìnpúpọ̀ lọ́jọ́ iwájú.


To try to avoid it is, in my opinion, impossible.


Láti gbìyànjú láti dẹ̀na rẹ̀ jẹ́, ní ìwòye tèmi, kò ṣe é ṣe.


And for me it's a good thing that they will be like that, but I also recognize that, for that to work properly, you need a huge investment in the social cohesion of your own societies.


Fún èmi nǹkan tó dára ni pé kí wọ́n rìí báyẹn, ṣùgbọ́n mom ọ̀ wí pé, fún ìyẹn láti ṣiṣẹ́ dáadaha, a nílò ìdókòwò ńlá nínú àgbọ́yé àwùjọ ti àwùjọ tiyín.


And Europe, to a large extent, failed in that investment in the past few decades.


ilẹ̀ Europe, ní ọ̀pọ̀ ìgbà, kùnà nínú ìdókòwò yẹn ní bíi ẹ̀wá ọdún díẹ̀ sẹ́yìn.


BG: Question: You are stepping down from your job at the end of the year, after 10 years.


BG: ẹ ó fi iṣẹ́ yín sílẹ̀ nígbẹ̀yin odún yìí, lẹ́yìn ọdún mẹ́wà.


If you look back at 2005, when you entered that office for the first time, what do you see?


Bí ẹ bá wẹ́yìn wo ọdún 2005, nígbà tí ẹ wọ ibi-iṣẹ́ yẹn fún ìgbà àkọ́kọ́, kí lẹ ri?


AG: Well, look: In 2005, we were helping one million people go back home in safety and dignity, because conflicts had ended.


AG: ó dáa, Ẹ wò ó: Ní ọdún 2005, a ń pèsè ìrànlọ́wọ́ fún ẹgbẹ̀rún-lọ́nà-ẹgbẹ̀rún kan àwọn ènìyàn láti padà sílé láìséwu àti nínú àpónlé, nítorí ìjá ti parí.


Last year, we helped 124,000.


Lọ́dún tó kọjá, a pèsè ìrànlọ́wọ́ fún ẹgbẹ̀rún-lọ́nà 124.


In 2005, we had about 38 million people displaced by conflict in the world.


Ní ọdún 2005, a ni bíi àádọ́ta-ọ̀kẹ́ 38 àwọn ènìyàn tí wọ́n di aláìnílé nípasẹ̀ rògbòdìyàn lágbàáyé.


Today, we have more than 60 million.


Lónìí, a ní ju ẹgbẹ̀rún-lọ́nà-ẹgbẹ̀rún 60 lọ.


At that time, we had had, recently, some conflicts that were solved.


Ní ìgbà yẹn, a ti ní, àwọn rógbòdìyàn kan tí wọ́n yanjú.


Now, we see a multiplication of new conflicts and the old conflicts never died: Afghanistan, Somalia, Democratic Republic of Congo.


Ní báyìí, à ń rí àròpọ àwọn rógbòdìyàn tuntun àwọn rógbòdìyàn àtijọ́ ò sì kín kú: orílẹ̀-ède Afghanistan, Somalia, Ilẹ̀-olómìnira ti Congo.


It is clear that the world today is much more dangerous than it was.


Ó fojú hàn pé orílẹ̀-èdè àgbáyé lónì tún léwu lọ́pọ̀lọpọ̀ ju bó ṣe wà tẹ́lẹ̀ lọ.


It is clear that the capacity of the international community to prevent conflicts and to timely solve them, is, unfortunately, much worse than what it was 10 years ago.


Ó hàn kedere pé ìkápá àwùjọ ilẹ̀-òkèèrè láti dèna rógbòdìyàn kí wọ́n sì yanjú wọn lásíkò, jẹ́, ó ṣeni láàánú, nǹkan tó burú ju bó ṣe wà ní ọdún 10 sẹ́yìn lọ.


There are no clear power relations in the world, no global governance mechanisms that work, which means that we live in a situation where impunity and unpredictability tend to prevail, and that means that more and more people suffer, namely those that are displaced by conflicts.


Kò sí àjọṣepọ̀ agbára tó hàn ní àgbáyé, kò sí àwọn ètò ìdarí tó ń ṣiṣẹ́, tó túmọ̀ sí wí pé à ń gbé ní àyè tó ṣe wí pé ìwà-ìbàjẹ́ àti àìlèsọ àsọtẹ́lẹ̀ ń rẹ́sẹ̀ walẹ̀, ìyẹ́n sì túmò sí wí pé ọ̀pọ̀ àwọn ènìyàn ń jíyà, kádárúkọ àwọn tí wọ́n di aláìnílé látara rógbòdìyàn.


BG: It's a tradition in American politics that when a President leaves the Oval Office for the last time, he leaves a handwritten note on the desk for his successor that walks in a couple of hours later.


BG: àsà ló jẹ́ nínú òṣèlu ilẹ̀ America pé nígbà tí Ààrẹ kan bá fi Ibi-iṣẹ́ Oval sílẹ̀ fún ìgbà ìkẹyìn, ó máa fi ìwé àfọwọ́kọ sílẹ̀ lórí tábílì fún adelé rẹ̀ tí yóò wọlé ní wákàtí bi mélòó kan.


If you had to write such a note to your successor, Filippo Grandi, what would you write?


Bí ẹ bá ní láti kọ irú ìwé yẹn sí adelé yín, Filippo Grandi, kí lẹ máa kọ?


AG: Well, I don't think I would write any message.


AG: mi ò rò wí pé mo má kọ ìwé kankan.


You know, one of the terrible things when one leaves an office is to try to become the backseat driver, always telling the new one what to do.


Ẹ mọ̀, ọ̀kan nínú àwọn nǹkan tó burú jù nígbà tí ènìyàn bá fi ipò sílẹ̀ ni ìgbìyànjú lati di èrò tó ń darí awakò, tó máa ń sọ nǹkan tí awakọ̀ tuntun náà yóò ṣe fún-un.


So that, I will not do.


ìyẹn, èmi ò ní ṣe é.


"If I had to say something to him, it would be, ""Be yourself, and do your best."


"Bí mo bá ní láti sọ nǹkankan fún-un, yóò jẹ́, ""Jẹ́wọ́ araà rẹ, kí o sì ṣe ìwọ̀n to lè ṣe."


BG: Commissioner, thank you for the job you do.


BG: kọmíṣọ́nà, ẹ ṣeun fún iṣẹ́ tí ẹ̀ ṣe.


Thank you for coming to TED.


Ẹ ṣeun tí ẹ wá sí TED.


The beautiful future of solar power


Ọjọ́-iwájú agbára ìtànṣán-oòrùn tó rẹwà.


Last summer, I was hiking through the Austrian mountains.


Lásíkò oru tó kọjá, mo ń rin ìrìnàjo afẹ́ kiri àwọn òke orílẹ̀-ède Austria.


And there, on top, I saw this beautiful, stone, remote hut, and it had solar panels on it.


"Níbẹ̀, lórí òkè ténté, mo rí ahéré tó rewà, olókúta, tó dáwà, t""ó sì ní pátákó-igun-mẹ́rin agbára ìtànsán oòrùn lórí rẹ̀."


And every time I see solar panels, I get very enthusiastic.


Gbogbo ìgbà tí mo bá rí pátákó-igun-mẹ́rin agbára ìtànsán-oòrùn, inú mi máa ń dùn ni.


It's this technology that takes sunlight, which is free and available, and turns that into electricity.


"Ìmọ̀-ẹrọ yìí ni ó máa ń gba oòrùn, tó jẹ́ òfẹ́ tó sì wà, t""ó sì máa ń yí ìyẹn padà di iná mànàmáná."


So this hut, in the middle of nowhere, on a beautiful location, was self-sufficient.


Ahéré yìí, tó wà láàárín ibìkan, ní àyè tó rẹwà, tó ti tó tán.


But why do solar panels always have to be so ugly?


Ṣùgbọ́n kí ló dé tí pátákó-igun-mẹ́rin agbára ìtànsán-oòrùn ṣe gbọ́dọ̀ ṣe máa burẹ́wà ní gbogbo ìgbà?


My name is Marjan Van Aubel and I'm a solar designer.


Orúkọ mi ni Marjan Van Aubel mo dé olùṣelọ́jọ̀ agbára ìtànsán oòrùn.


I work in the triangle of design, sustainability and technology.


Mò ń ṣiṣẹ́ nínú ìṣelọ́jọ̀ onígun mẹ́ta, alálòpẹ́ àti ìmọ̀-ẹ̀rọ.


I strive for extreme efficiency, meaning that I develop materials that expand in size or work with solar cells that use the properties of colors to generate electricity.


Mò ń tiraka fún ìṣedédé tó yátọ̀, tó túmọ̀ sí wí pé mo ń pèse àwọn ohun-èlò tó ń fẹ ní ìwọ̀n tàbí tó ń ṣiṣẹ́ pẹ̀lu pádi ìtànsán-oòrùn tó máa ń lo àwòmọ́ àwọ̀ láti pèse iná mànàmáná.


My work is in museums all over the world, such as MoMA.


Iṣẹ́ ni wà ní àwọn ilé-ọnà káàkiri àgbáyé, bíi MoMA.


And, I mean, it all went quite well, but it always felt that something was missing.


Mó ń sọ nípa pé, gbogbo rẹ̀ ló lọ dáadáa, ṣùgbọ́n ó máa ń jọ bí ẹni wí pé nǹkankan ti sọnù.


"And it was, until I read the book called the ""Solar Revolution,"" where it says that within one hour we receive enough sunlight to provide the world with enough electricity for an entire year."


"Àyàfi ìgbà tí mo ka ìwe tí wọ́n ń pè ní ""Ìyípòdà sí Ìtànsán-oòrùn,"" níbi tí ó ti sọ wí pé láàárín wákàtí kan à ń gba agbára oòrùn tí ó tó láti pèse iná mànàmáná tó ṣe déédé fún gbogbo àgbáyé fún odidin odún kan."


One hour.


Wákàtí kan.


And since then, I realized I just want to focus on solar.


Láti ìgbà náà, mo mọ̀ wí pé mo kọ̀ fẹ́ gbájúmọ́ agbára ìtànsán oòrùn ni.


Scientists all over the world have been focusing on making solar panels more efficient and cheaper.


"Àwọn onímọ̀-ìjìnlẹ̀ káàkiri àgbáyé ti ń gbájúmọ́ ṣíṣe pátákó-igun-mẹ́rin agbára ìtànsán oòrùn tó péye t""ó sì rọjú."


So the price of solar has dropped enormously.


Iye-owó agbára ìtànsán oòrùn ti wálẹ̀ gan-an.


And this is because China started producing them on a large scale.


Ìdí ni wí pé orílẹ̀-ède China ti bẹ̀rẹ̀ síní pèse wọn lọ́pọ̀ yanturu.


And also their efficiency has increased a lot.


Bákan náà agbára wọn ti lékún gidi gan-an.


They now even have an efficiency of 44.5 percent.


Wọ́n ti ní ìdá 44 àtàbọ̀ agbára báyìí.


But if you think about the image of solar cells, it's kind of stayed the same for the last 60 years.


Ṣùgbọ́n tí ẹ bá ronú nípa àwòran àwọn pádi agbára ìtànsán-oòrùn, ó dà bi ẹni pé bákan náà ló ṣe wà láti bí 60 ọdún.


It's still this technology just stacked onto something.


Ìmọ̀ ẹ̀rọ yìí kò gbára lé nǹkan.


And solar cells need to be much better integrated into our environment.


Pádi agbára ìtànsán-oòrùn nílò láti di gbígbé wọnú àwùjọ wa dáadáa síi.


Climate change is the biggest problem of our time.


Àyípadà ojú-ọjọ́ ni ìṣòro tó tóbi jù lásìko tiwa.


And we can't rely on the others -- the government, the engineers -- to make positive changes.


A ò dẹ lè gbára lé àwọn tókù -- ìjoba, àwọn onímọ̀-ẹ̀rọ -- láti pèse àyípadà gidi.


We all can contribute towards change.


Gbogbo wa la lè lọ́wọ́ sí àyípadà.


Like I said, I'm a designer and I would like to change things through design.


Gẹ́gẹ́ bí mo ṣe sọ, mo jẹ́ olùṣelọ́jọ̀ yóò sì wùnmí láti mú àyípadà bá nǹkan nípasẹ ìṣelọ́jọ̀.


Let me give you some examples of my work.


Ẹ jẹ́ kí n fún yín ní àpẹẹrẹ díẹ̀ nipa iṣẹ́ mi.


I'm collaborating with Swarovski, the crystal company.


Mò ń ṣe àjọṣepọ̀ pẹ̀lu Swarovski, ilé-iṣẹ́ òkúta-mímọ́-gaara.


And if you cut crystals in a certain way, you are able to bend and direct the light onto a certain place.


Bí ẹ bá gé òkúta-mímọ́-gaara ní àwọn ọ̀nà kan, yóó ṣe é tẹ̀ láti darí iná náà sí àwọn àyè kan.


So I use these crystals to focus the light onto a solar panel, making them more efficient, but using aesthetics.


Torí náà mo má ń lo àwọn òkúta-mímọ́-gaara wọ̀nyí láti darí iná sí pátákó-igun-mẹ́rin agbára ìtànsán-oòrùn, kí wọ́n lè gba agbára síi, ṣùgbọ́n pẹ̀lú fífi ti ẹwà ṣe.


So you take the solar crystal with you in the light, there's a battery in the solar cell, you put it in a docking station and you are able to power these chandeliers.


Ẹ máa mú òkúta-mímọ́-gaara agbagbára ìtànsán-oòrùn pẹ̀lu yín nínú ìmọ́lẹ̀, òkúta-agbagbára-iná-sára kan wà nínú pádi agbára ìtànṣán oòrùn, ẹ ó fi sínú afi-agbára-sórí-ẹ̀rọ, ẹ máa lè fi gbé agbára sórí àwọn iná-alágbèkọ́-sókè-àjà wọ̀nyí.


So you're literally bringing the light indoors.


Ẹ ń mú iná wọnú ilé nìyẹn.


I got completely hooked on solar when I came across this technology called dye-sensitized solar cells, colored solar cells, and they are based on photosynthesis in plants.


Mi ò leè ṣe láì má lo agbára ìtàṣán oòrùn nígbà ti mo rìnà pàde ìmọ̀-èrọ yìí tí wọ́n ń pè ní pádi ẹ̀rọ agbára ìtànṣán oòrùn oní fọ́nrán tínrín, pádi ẹ̀rọ agbára ìtànsán oòrùn aláwọ̀òjàwọ̀, tí wọ́n sì gbáralé ìtànṣán-di-okun-fún-nǹkan-ọ̀gbìn.


Where the green chlorophyl converts light into sugar for plants, these cells convert light into electricity.


Níbi tí àwọ̀-ọbẹ̀dò ti ewéko tí ń sọ ìtànṣán ṣúgà fún nǹkan ọ̀gbìn, àwọn pádi wọ̀nyí máa ń sọ iná di iná mànà-máná.


The best thing is, they even work indoors.


Nǹkan tó dára jù ni wí pé, wọ́n tún ń ṣiṣẹ́ nínú ilé.


So different colors have different efficiency, depending on their place on the color spectrum.


Oríṣiríṣi àwọ̀ ló ní agbára láti ṣiṣẹ́ ọ̀tọ̀ọ̀tọ̀, ó ní í ṣe pẹ̀lú ibi tí wọ́n wà lórí ìbìlù àwọ̀.


So, for example, red is more efficient than blue.


Nítorí náà, fún àpẹẹrẹ, àwọ̀ pupa lágbára ju àwọ aró lọ.


So if I hear this as a designer: a colored surface, a glass colored surface, color that's mostly just used for esthetics, now gets an extra function and is able to harvest electricity, I think, where can we apply this, then?


Tí mo bá gbọ́ èyí gẹ́gẹ́ bí olùṣelọ́jọ̀: ojú-àyè tó jẹ́ aláwọ̀, ojú-ibi tó jẹ́ awòjìjí aláwọ̀, àwọ̀ tí wọ́n kọ̀ ń lò fún ìṣelọ́sọ̀ọ́, ti wá ní àfikún iṣẹ́ ó sì lè gba agbára iná mànàmáná sí ara, mo gbèrò, ǹjẹ́, níbo ni a ti lè ṣàmúlò eléyìí?


This is Current Table, where the whole tabletop consists of these colored solar cells.


Tábílì Ìsàn-òyì-mànàmáná nìyí, níbi tí gbogbo orí tábílì ti jẹ́ àpapọ̀ àwọn pádi agbára ìtànsán oòrùn aláwọ̀ wọ̀nyí.


There are batteries in the legs where you can charge your phone through USB ports.


Àwọn òkúta-agbagbára-iná-sára wà ní ẹsẹ̀ rẹ̀ níbi tí ẹ lè gbanásórí ẹ̀rọ ìbánisọ̀rọ yín nípasẹ ojú USB.


And in my work, it's always very important, the balance between efficiency and aesthetics.


Nínú iṣẹ́ mi, ó ṣe pàtàkì púpọ̀, ìṣọgbọọgba láàárín agbára-láti-ṣiṣẹ́ àti ìṣelọ́sọ̀ọ́.


So that's why the table is orange, because it is a very stable color for indoors.


Ìdí nìyí tí tábílì náà fi jẹ́ àwọ olómi ọsàn, nítorí ó jẹ́ àwọ̀ tó dúró-digbí fún ìlò nínú ilé.


"And this is always the most asked question I get: ""OK, great, but how many phones can I charge from this, then?"


"Èyí sì ni ìbéèrè tí mo máa ń gbà jù: ""Ó jẹ́ b""ó ti jẹ́, ṣùgbọ́n iye ẹ̀rọ ìbánisọ̀rọ̀ mélòó ni mo lè gbagbára-iná-sórí rẹ̀ látara èyí, nígbá náà?"


""" And before I go to this complicated answer of like, ""Well, where is the table, does it have enough light, is it next to a window?"


"Kí n tó lọ síbi ìdáhùn ìrúnilójú bí èyí, ""ó dára, tábílì náà dà, ṣé ó ní iná tí ó tó, ṣó súnmọ́ fèrèsé?"


""" The table now has sensors that read the light intensity of the room."


Tábílì náà ti ní iyè báyìí tí ó máa ń kíyèsí ìpọ̀jọjọ agbára iná nínú yàrá náà.


So through an app we developed you can literally follow how much light it's getting, and how full the battery is.


Torí náà láti ara ohun-àmúlò-orí-ẹ̀rọ-ayárabíàṣá kan tí a sẹ̀dá rẹ̀ lè mọ iye iná tí ó ń gbà, àti bí òkúta-agbagbára-iná-sára náà ṣe gbagbára tó.


I'm actually proud, because yesterday we installed a table at Stichting Doen's offices in Amsterdam and, right at this moment, our Queen Maxima is charging a phone from this table.


Mo ní ìgbéraga, nítorí lánàá a ṣe àgbélélẹ̀ tábílì kan sí ibi-iṣẹ́ ti Stichting Deon ní Amsterdam àti, lọ́wọ́lọ́wọ́ báyìí, Ọbabìnrin wa Maxima ń gbanásórí ẹ̀rọ-ìbánisọ̀rọ̀ kan látara tábílì yìí.


It's cool.


Ó rẹwà.


So the more surface you have, the more energy you can harvest.


Bí ojú-ibi-ìgbénǹkanlé bá ṣe pọ̀ tó, ni iye agbára-iná tí ẹ lè gbàjọ.


These are Current Windows, where we replaced all windows in a gallery in London, in Soho, with this modern version of stained glass.


Àwọn fèrèsé Ìṣàn-òyì-mànàmáná yìí, níbi tí a ti pààrọ gbogbo fèrèsé níbi ìṣàfihàn àwòrán ní London, ní Soho, pẹ̀lú ẹ̀ya àwòjìjí alábàwọ́n ìgbàlódé yìí.


So people from the street could come and charge their phones through the window ledges.


Àwọn ènìyàn láti àdúgbò lè wá gbanásórí ẹ̀rọ- ìbánisọ̀rọ̀ wọn látara ojú tó wà lára fèrèsé náà.


So I'm giving extra functions to objects.


Mò ń ṣe àfikún iṣẹ́ sí nǹkan náà.


A window doesn't have to be just a window anymore.


Fèrèsé ò ní láti jẹ́ fèrèsé lásán mọ́.


It can also function as a little power station.


Ó tún lè ṣiṣẹ́ gẹ́gẹ́ bí ilé-iṣẹ́ agbára kékeré.


So, here I am, talking about how much I love solar, but I don't have solar panels on my roof.


Èmi rè é, tí mò ń sọ̀rọ̀ nípa bí mo ṣe fẹ́ràn agbára ìtànsán oòrùn, ṣùgbọn mi ò ní pátákó-igun-mẹ́rin agbára ìtànsán oòrùn lórí òrùlé mi.


I live in the center of Amsterdam, I don't own the house and it's a monument, so it's not possible and not allowed.


Mò ń gbé ní àríngbùngbun Amsterdam, èmi kọ́ ni mo ni ilé náà àyè ìrántí ni, nítorí náà kò ṣe é ṣe kò sì sí ìgbàláàyè rẹ̀.


So how can you make solar cells more accessible and for everyone, and not only for the people that can afford a sustainable lifestyle?


Báwo la ṣe lè jẹ́ kí gbogbo ènìyàn ní àǹfààní sí pádi agbára ìtànsán oòrùn, tí kì í ṣe fún àwọn ènìyàn tí wọ́n níkàpá láti ìgbéayé aláìyípadà?


We now have the opportunity to integrate solar on the place where we directly need it.


A ti wá ní àǹfààní láti gbé agbára ìtànsán oòrùn sí àyè tí a ti nílò rẹ̀ tààrà.


And there are so many amazing technologies out there.


Àwọn ìmọ̀-ẹ̀rọ tó yanilẹ́nu wà níta níbẹ̀ yẹn.


If I look around now, I see every surface as an opportunity.


Bí mo bá wò yíká nísìyìí, mo máa ń rí gbogbo àyè gẹ́gẹ́ bi àǹfààní.


For example, I was driving in the train through the Westland, the area in the Netherlands with all the greenhouses.


Fún àpẹẹrẹ, nígbà tí mo wà nínú ọkọ̀ ojú-irin lọ́nà Westland, agbègbè kan ní Netherlands tó ni gbogbo ilé agbára.


There I saw all this glass and thought, what if we integrate those with transparent solar glass?


Níbẹ̀ ni mo ti rí gbogbo àwọn àwòjìjí yìí tí mo sì wá rò ó pé, tí a bá ṣe àfikún àwọn wọ̀nyí sí àwòjìjí agbára ìtànsán oòrùn tó hàn kedere ńkọ́?


What if we integrate traditional farming that requires a lot of energy together with high-tech and combine those?


Bí a bá ṣe àfikún iṣẹ́-àgbẹ̀ àtijọ́ tó gba agbáara tó pọ̀ papọ̀ pẹ̀lu ìmọ̀-ẹ̀rọ tó ga káwá pa á pọ̀ pẹ̀lú àwọn yìí ńkọ́?


With this idea in mind, I created Power Plant.


Pẹ̀lú èrò yìí lọ́kàn mi, mo ṣẹ̀da ẹ̀rọ amúnáwá.


I had a team of architects and engineers, but let me first explain how it works.


Mo ní ikọ̀ àwọn ayàwòran-ilé àti àwọn onímọ̀-ẹ̀rọ, ṣùgbọ́n ẹ jẹ́ kí n kọ́kọ́ ṣàlàye bó ṣe ń ṣiṣẹ́.


We use transparent solar glass to power its indoor climate.


À lo awòjìjí agbáara ìtànsán oòrùn tó hàn kedere láti tan ojú-ọjọ́ inú ilé rẹ̀.


We use hydroponics that pumps around nutrified water, saving 90 percent of water usage.


À lo ètò gbíngbin-ohun-ọ̀gbìn-nínú-omi tí ó ń fa omi tí a f'okunfún káàkiri, tó ń ṣe àdínkù ìdá 90 omi lílò.


By stacking up in layers, you are able to grow more yield per square meter.


Pẹ̀lú títópọ̀ ní ìpele-ìpele, ẹ lè gbin irè-oko tó pọ̀ sóri ìwọ̀ onírìnméjì lọ́pọ̀ si.


Extra light, besides sunlight, coming from these colored LED lights also enhances plant growth.


Àfikún iná, yàtọ̀ sí ìmọ́lẹ̀ oòrùn, tó ń wá láti àwọn iná aláwọ̀ LED wọ̀nyí tún ṣe ìrànwọ́ fún ìdàgbàsókè nǹkan ọ̀gbìn.


As more and more people will live in big cities, by placing Power Plants on the rooftops you don't have to fly it in from the other side of the world, you are able to grow it on the location itself.


Pẹ̀lu bóṣe jẹ́ wí pé ọ̀pọ̀lọpọ̀ àwọn ènìyàn ló máa gbé ní àwọn ìlú ńlá, pẹ̀lu gbígbé àwọn Ẹ̀rọ Amúnáwá sórí òrùle ẹ ò nílò láti kó o wọlé láti òdì-kejì ayé, ẹ lè gbìn-ín sí àyè náà fún ra rẹ̀.


Well, the big dream is to build these in off-grid places -- where there's no access to water, electricity -- as an independent ecosystem.


Ó dáa, àlá ńlá náà ni láti kọ́ àwọn wọ̀nyí ní àwọn àyè tí wọn ò ní ohun amáyédẹrùn ìjọba -- níbi tí wọn ò ti ní àǹfààní sí omi, iná mànà-máná -- gẹ́gẹ́ bí èto ọjọ̀-ẹ̀dá olómìnira.


For this year's Design Biennial, I created the first four-meter high model of the power plant, so you could come in and experience how plants grow.


Fún ìṣelọ́jọ̀ dáadáa ọdún yìí, mo ṣẹ̀da àwòṣe ẹ̀rọ amúnáwá tó ga tó mítà-mẹ́rin àkọ́kọ́, kí ẹ lè wọlé wá láti ní ìrírí bí nǹkan ọ̀gbìn ṣe ń hù.


So it's a double harvest of sunlight, so both for the solar cells and for the plants.


Ìkórè ìtànsán-oòrùn oníbejì ni, fún àpapọ̀ pádi agbára ìtànsán-oòrùn àti fún nǹkan ọ̀gbìn.


It's like a future botanical garden, where we celebrate all these modern technologies.


Ó dàbi ogbà àjàrà ọjọ́ iwájú, níbi tí ati ń ṣàjọyọ̀ àwọn ìmọ̀-ẹ̀rọ ìgbàlódé wọ̀nyí.


"And the biggest compliment I got was, ""But where are the solar panels?"


"Ìkíni tó tóbi jù tí mo gbà ni, ""Ṣùgbọ́n àwọn pátákó-igun-mẹ́rin ẹ̀rọ agbára ìtànsán oòrùn dà?"


""" And that's when I think design really works, when it becomes invisible and you don't notice it."


""" Nígbà náà ni mo rò wí pé ìṣelọ́jọ̀ náà ṣiṣẹ́ gidi gan-an, tó bá di afẹ́ẹ̀rí tí ẹ ò sì ṣàkíyèsi rẹ̀."


I believe in solar democracy: solar energy for everyone, everywhere.


Mo nígbàgbọ́ nínú agbára ìtànsán oòrùn àwarawa: agbára ìtànsán oòrùn fún gbogbo ènìyàn, níbi gbogbo.


My aim is to make all surfaces productive.


Èróngbà mi ni láti jẹ́ kí gbogbo àyè ó wúlò.


I want to build houses where all the windows, curtains, walls, even floors are harvesting electricity.


Mo fẹ́ kọ́ àwọn ilé níbi tí gbogbo fèrèsé, aṣọ ojú fèrèsé, ògiri, kódà gbogbo ilẹ̀ ti ń gba iná mànàmáná.


Think about this on a big scale: in cities, there are so many surfaces.


Ẹ ronú nípa èyí lórí òṣùwọ̀n ńlá: ní àwọn ìlú-ńlá, oríṣiríṣi àyè ló wà.


The sun is still available for everyone.


Oòrùn ṣì wà fún gbogbo ènìyàn.


And by integrating solar on the place where we need it, we now have the opportunity to make solar cells accessible for everyone.


Pẹ̀lu gbígbé agbára ìtànsán oòrùn sí àyè tí a ti nílò rẹ̀, a ti ní àǹfààní láti ṣe pádi agbára ìtànsán oòrùn tó ṣe é lò fún gbogbo ènìyàn.


I want to bring solar close to the people with you, but beautiful and well designed.


Mo fẹ́ mú ẹ̀rọ agbára ìtànsán oòrùn súmọ́ àwọn ènìyàn pẹ̀lu yín, ṣùgbọ́n tí yóò rẹwà tí yóò ní ọ̀ṣọ́ dáadáa.


How bees can keep the peace between elephants and humans


Bí kòkòro oyin ṣe lè jẹ́ kí àlááfia ó wà láàárín erin àti ọmọ ènìyàn.


Ever since I can remember, African elephants have filled me with a sense of complete awe.


Láti ìgbà tí mo lè rántí, àwọn erin ilẹ̀ Adúláwọ̀ ti fún mi ní òye ìníbọ́wọ̀ tó pé.


They are the largest land mammal alive today on planet Earth, weighing up to seven tons, standing three and a half meters tall at the shoulder.


Àwọn ni ẹranko afọ́mọlọ́mú tó tóbi jù tí wọ́n wà láyé lónì lórí ilẹ̀ àgbáyé, tí wọ́n wọ̀n tó tọ́ọ́nù méje, tí wọ́n ń dúró ní mítà mẹ́ta àtààbọ̀ ní èjìká.


They can eat up to 400 kilos of food in a day, and they disperse vital plant seeds across thousands of kilometers during their 50-to-60-year life span.


Wọ́n lè jẹ tó 400 kílò oúnjẹ lọ́jọ́ kan, wọ́n sì ń pín àwọn èso nǹkan ọ̀gbìn tó ṣe pàtàkì káàkiri ẹgbẹ̀run kílómítà lásíkò 50-sí-60 ọdún ìgbésí ayé wọn.


Central to their compassionate and complex society are the matriarchs.


Ní pàtàkì sí àwùjọ àánú àti àmúdijú wọn ni àwọn obìnrin olórí ilé.


These female, strong leaders nurture the young and navigate their way through the challenges of the African bush to find food, water and security.


Àwọn abo wọ̀nyí, àwọn adarí alágbára ni wọ́n ń re àwọn ọ̀dọ́ tí wọ́n sì ń darí ọ̀na wọn nínú ìdojúkọ ìgbẹ́ ilẹ̀ Adúláwọ̀ láti wá oúnjẹ, omi àti ààbò.


Their societies are so complex, we're yet to still fully tease apart how they communicate, how they verbalize to each other, how their dialects work.


Àwùjọ wọn díjú gan-an, a ò tíì s̀àwárí bí wọ́n ṣe ń bára wọn sọ̀rọ̀ tán, bí wọ́n ṣe bára wọn rojọ́, bí ẹ̀ka-ède wọn ṣe ń ṣiṣẹ́.


And we don't really understand yet how they navigate the landscape, remembering the safest places to cross a river.


A ò sì fi bẹ́ẹ̀ ní òye bí wọ́n ṣe ń darí àwòran ilẹ̀, ìrántí àwọn àyè tí ò léwu púpọ̀ láti la odò kọjá.


I'm pretty sure that like me, most of you in this room have a similar positive emotional response to these most magnificent of all animals.


Ó dámi lójú pé gẹ́gẹ́bí èmi náà, ọ̀pọ̀lọpọ̀ ẹ̀yin tí ẹ wà nínú yàrá yìí ni ìdáhùn pádi-àyè kan náà sí ẹranko tó tóbi jù nínú gbogbo àwọn ẹranko yìí.


It's really hard not to have watched a documentary, learned about their intelligence or, if you've been lucky, to see them for yourselves on safari in the wild.


Ó nira pé kí ènìyàn ó má ti wo ìtàn àròsọ adálórí ìṣẹ̀lẹ̀ gidi kan, tó ń kọ́ nípa ọgbọ́n wọn tàbí, tí ẹ bá ti ní àǹfààní, láti rí wọn fúnra yín ní ibùgbe wọn nínú ìgbẹ́.


But I wonder how many of you have been truly, utterly terrified by them.


Ṣùgbọ́n mo ń wò ó pé mélòó nínú yín ni wọ́n ti dẹ́rùbà lóòótọ́.


I was lucky to be brought up in Southern Africa by two teacher parents who had long holidays but very short budgets.


Mo lórí lọ́wọ́ pé wọ́n tómi dàgbà ní gúúsù ilẹ Adúláwọ̀ lọ́dọ̀ àwọn òbi olùkọ́ méjì tí wọ́n máa ń ní ìsinmi ọlọ́jọ́ gígùn ṣùgbọ́n tí ìṣúnọ́ wọn kéré jọjọ.


And so we used to take our old Ford Cortina Estate, and with my sister, we'd pile in the back, take our tents and go camping in the different game reserves in Southern Africa.


A máa ń gbé Ford Cortina Estate àtijọ́ wa lọ, pẹ̀lú ọmọ̀ ìyá mi lóbìrin, a ó kórawa jọ sẹ́yìn, gbé agbòji wa a ó sì lọ pàgọ́ sí àwùjọ ẹranko lóríṣiríṣi ní gúúsù ilẹ Adúláwọ̀.


It really was heaven for a young, budding zoologist like myself.


Ọ̀run ló jẹ́ fún òdọ́, olùbẹ̀rẹ̀ ẹ́kọ̀ọ́ nípa ẹranko bíi tèmi.


But I remember even at that young age that I found the tall electric fences blocking off the game parks quite divisive.


Ṣùgbọ́n mo rantí wí pé kóda ní ọjọ́ orí kékeré yẹn mo rí gbogbo ọgbà oníná gíga tó ń dí gàgá àwọn ẹranko náà gẹ́gẹ́ bí ìpínyà.


Sure, they were keeping elephants out of the communities, but they also kept communities out of their wild spaces.


Bẹ́ẹ̀ ni, wọ́n ń lé àwọn erin jáde kúrò ní àwùjọ, ṣùgbọ́n wọ́n tún ń lé àwùjọ kúrò ní àye wọn nínú ìgbẹ.


It really was quite a challenge to me at that young age.


It really was quite a challenge to me at that young age. Ìdojúkọ ńlá ló jẹ́ fún mi ní ọjọ́ orí kékeré yẹn.


It was only when I moved to Kenya at the age of 14, when I got to connect to the vast, wild open spaces of East Africa.


Ìgbà tí mo kó lọ sí orílẹ̀ ède Kenya ní ọmọdún mẹ́rìnlá nìkan, nígbà tí mo ní láti sopọ̀ pẹ̀lú àwọn àyè ńlá tó ṣí sílẹ̀ ní ìlà oòrun ilẹ̀ Adúláwọ̀.


And it is here now that I feel truly, instinctively, really at home.


Ibí yìí ni mo ti ní ìmọ̀lára lóòótọ́, pé ilé ni mo wà.


I spent many, many happy years studying elephant behavior in a tent, in Samburu National Reserve, under the guideship of professor Fritz Vollrath and Iain Douglas-Hamilton, studying for my PhD and understanding the complexities of elephant societies.


Mo lo àìmọye odún aláyọ̀ tí mò ń kọ́ nípa ìṣesí erin nínú àtíbàbà kan, níbi ìfipamọ́ àpapọ̀ Samburu, lábẹ́ ìtọ́sọ́nà ọ̀jọ̀gbón Fritz Vollrath àti Lain Douglas-Hamilton, tí mò ń kẹ́kọ̀ọ́ fún oyè òwọ̀we tí mo sì ń mọ àwọn àmúdijú àwùjọ erin.


But now, in my role as head of the human-elephant coexistence program for Save the Elephants, we're seeing so much change happening so fast that it's urged a change in some of our research programs.


Ṣùgbọ́n nísinyìí, nínú ojúṣe mi gẹ́gẹ́ bi olórí ètò ìgbáyépọ̀ ènìyàn àti erin fún Gba Àwọn Erin Là, à ń rí àyípadà púpọ̀ tó ń ṣẹlẹ̀ wéré-wéré tí ó ti bẹ̀bẹ àyípadà nínú àwọn ètò ìwádìí wa.


No longer can we just sit and understand elephant societies or study just how to stop the ivory trade, which is horrific and still ongoing.


A ò kọ̀ lè jókòó ká wá ní òye àwùjọ erin tàbí ká kọ̀ kẹ́kọ̀ọ́ bí a ṣe lè dá òwo eyín erin dúró, tó jẹ́ ìbẹ̀rù tó sì ń lọ lọ́wọ́.


We're having to change our resources more and more to look at this rising problem of human-elephant conflict, as people and pachyderms compete for space and resources.


"A ní láti ṣe àyípadà àwọn ohun-èlo wa lọ́pọ̀ láti wo ìsoro rògbòdìyàn ènìyàn àti erin t""ó ń ṣúyọ, bí àwọn ènìyàn àti àwon ẹranko-ńlá ṣe ń jìjà gùdù fún àyè àti ohun-èlò."


It was only as recently as the 1970s that we used to have 1.2 million elephants roaming across Africa.


Láìpẹ́ yìí bíi àsìko ọdún 1970 ni a ní ẹgbẹ̀rún-lọ́nà-ẹgbẹ̀rún kan àti ẹgbẹ̀rún lọ́nà igba àwọn erin tí wọ́n ń káàkiri ilẹ̀ adúláwọ̀.


Today, we're edging closer to only having 400,000 left.


Lónì, à ń súmọ́ níní ẹgbẹ̀rún lọ́nà erínwó.


And at the same time period, the human population has quadrupled, and the land is being fragmented at such a pace that it's really hard to keep up with.


Ní àsìkò kan náà, iye àpapọ̀ àwọn ènìyàn ti di ìlọ́po mẹ́rin, ìlẹ̀ náà sì ń dínkù ní eré tó nira láti bá dọ́gba.


Too often, these migrating elephants end up stuck inside communities, looking for food and water but ending up breaking open water tanks, breaking pipes and, of course, breaking into food stores for food.


Lópọ̀ ìgbà, àwọn erin tí wọ́n ṣí kiri wọ̀nyí máa ń há nígbẹ́yìn sínú àwọn àwùjọ, wọ́n ń wá oúnjẹ àti omi ṣùgbọ́n nígbẹ́yìn wọ́n máa ń fọ́ àwọn kòkòndoro omi, fífọ́ àwọn ọ̀pá àti, bẹ́ẹ̀ni, fífọ́ àwọn ilé ìtàja oúnjẹ fún oúnjẹ.


It's really a huge challenge.


Ìdojúkọ tó tóbi gan-an ni.


Can you imagine the terror of an elephant literally ripping the roof off your mud hut in the middle of the night and having to hold your children away as the trunk reaches in, looking for food in the pitch dark?


Ǹjẹ́ ẹ lè ronú ìwà ìgbésúmọ̀mi erin tó ń fa òrùle ahéré yín ya láàárín òru tí ẹ ní láti di àwọn ọmọ yín mú kúrò níbi àrọ́wọ́tó eyín erin, tó ń wá oúnjẹ nínú òkùnkùn?


These elephants also trample and eat crops, and this is traditionally eroding away that tolerance that people used to have for elephants.


Àwọn erin wọ̀nyí tún máa ń tẹ̀ wọ́n sì máa ń jẹ nǹkan ọ̀gbìn, èyí sì ń ba ìfaradà tí àwọn ènìyàn máa ń ní fún àwọn erin jẹ́.


And sadly, we're losing these animals by the day and, in some countries, by the hour -- to not only ivory poaching but this rapid rise in human-elephant conflict as they compete for space and resources.


Ó bani nínú jẹ́, à ń ṣe àfẹ́kù àwọn ẹranko wọ̀nyí lójoojúmọ́, ní àwọn orílẹ̀-èdè kọ̀ọ̀kan, ní wákátì wákátì -- kìí ṣe sí àwọn tó ń pa ẹranko lọ́nà àìtọ́ nìkan ṣùgbọ́n ìṣúyọ rògbòdìyàn láàárín ènìyàn àti erin bí wọ́n ṣe ń jìjà-gùdù fún àyè àti ohun-èlò.


It's a massive challenge.


Ìdojúkọ tó tóbi ni.


I mean, how do you keep seven-ton pachyderms, that often come in groups of 10 or 12, out of these very small rural farms when you're dealing with people who are living on the very edge of poverty?


Mò ń sọ nípa pé, báwo lẹ ṣe lè tọ́jú tọ́ọ́nù méje àwọn ẹranko ńlá, tí wọ́n máa wá ní ikọ̀ ẹlẹ́ni mẹ́wà tàbí méjìlá ní gbogbo ìgbà, nínú àwọn oko agègbè kékèké wọ̀nyí nígbà tí ẹ bá ń lájọṣe pẹ̀lú àwọn ènìyàn tí wọ́n ń gbé ní ìkọ́gun òṣì?


They don't have big budgets.


Wọn ò ní ìṣúná tó tóbi.


How do you resolve this issue?


Báwo lẹ ṣelè yanjú ọ̀rọ̀ yìí?


Well, one issue is, you can just start to build electric fences, and this is happening across Africa, we're seeing this more and more.


Ó dáa, ìṣòro kan ni wí pé, ẹ lè bẹ̀rẹ̀ síní kọ́ àwọn ọgbà oníná, èyí sì ń ṣẹlẹ̀ káàkiri ilẹ̀ Adúláwọ̀, à ń rí èyí lọ́pọ̀lọpọ̀.


But they are dividing up areas and blocking corridors.


Ṣùgbọ́n wọ́n ń pín àwọn agbègbè wọ́n sì ń dí àwọn ẹnu ọ̀nà.


And I'm telling you, these elephants don't think much of it either, particularly if they're blocking a really special water hole where they need water, or if there's a very attractive female on the other side.


Mo sì ń sọ fún yín, àwọn erin wọ̀nyí ò ronú púpọ̀ nípa rẹ̀ pẹ̀lú, pàápàá jùlọ tí wọ́n bá ń dí ihò omi tó yátọ̀ níbi tí wọ́n ti nílò omi, tàbí tí abo tó wọjú gidi gan-an bá wà lódì kejì.


It doesn't take long to knock down one of these poles.


Kìí pẹ́ tí wọn ó fi ń wó ọ̀kan nínú àwọn òpó wọ̀nyí lulẹ̀.


And as soon as there's a gap in the fence, they go back, talk to their mates and suddenly they're all through, and now you have 12 elephants on the community side of the fence.


Ní kété tí àlàfo bá ti wà nínú ọgbà náà, wọ́n yóò padà, láti bá àwọn akẹgbẹ́ wọn sọ̀rọ̀ lójijì gbogbo wọ́n ki kọjá, báyìí a ní erin méjìlá ní òdì kejì ọgbà àwùjọ.


And now you're really in trouble.


Báyìí e ti wọ wàhálà.


People keep trying to come up with new designs for electric fences.


Àwọn ènìyàn túbọ̀ ń gbìyànjú láti wá àpẹrẹ tuntun fún ọgbà onínọ́.


Well, these elephants don't think much of those either.


Ó dáa, àwọn erin wọ̀nyí ò ronu púpọ̀ nípa àwọn wọ̀nyẹn pẹ̀lú.


So rather than having these hard-line, straight, electric, really divisive migratory-blocking fences, there must be other ways to look at this challenge.


Dípò níní àwọn ọgbà gbọọrọ, onínọ́, tó ń ṣe ìpínyà tó sì ń dénà ìṣíkiri, ọ̀na mìíràn gbọ́dọ̀ wà láti wo ìdojúkọ yìí.


I'm much more interested in holistic and natural methods to keep elephants and people apart where necessary.


Mo nífẹ̀ púpọ̀ sí ìlànà apapọ̀ àti àdámọ́ láti ya erin àti ènìyàn sọ́tọ̀ níbi tó bá yẹ.


Simply talking to people, talking to rural pastoralists in northern Kenya who have so much knowledge about the bush, we discovered this story that they had that elephants would not feed on trees that had wild beehives in them.


Bíbá àwọn ènìyàn sọ̀rọ̀, bíbá àwọn adaranjẹ̀ agbègbè ní àríwa orílẹ̀-ède Kenya tí wọ́n ní ìmọ̀ tó pọ̀ nípa ìgbẹ́ sọ̀rọ̀, a ṣàwárí ìtàn yìí tí wọ́n gbọ́ pé àwọn erin ò ní jẹ igi tí afárá-oyin bá wà nínú rẹ̀.


Now this was an interesting story.


Ìtàn tó panilẹ́rìn lèyìí.


As the elephants were foraging on the tree, they would break branches and perhaps break open a wild beehive.


Bí àwọn erin ṣe ń wá oúnjẹ kiri lára igi, wọ́n máa gé ẹ̀ka àti bóyá wọ́n á gé afárá oyin tó burú.


And those bees would fly out of their natural nests and sting the elephants.


Àwọn oyin yìí máa fò jáde kúrò nínú ilé àdámọ́ wọn wọn ó sì ta erin náà.


Now if the elephants got stung, perhaps they would remember that this tree was dangerous and they wouldn't come back to that same site.


Bí wọ́n bá ta erin náà, bóyá wọ́n máa ràntí pé igi yìí léwu wọn ò sì ní padà sí agbègbè yẹn mọ́.


It seems impossible that they could be stung through their thick skin -- elephant skin is around two centimeters thick.


Ó jọ bí ẹni wí pé kò ṣe é ṣe pé wọ́n lè tawọ́n níbi awọ wọn tó nípọ̀n -- awọ erin nípọn tó sẹ̀ntímítà méjì.


But it seems that they sting them around the watery areas, around the eyes, behind the ears, in the mouth, up the trunk.


Ṣùgbọ́n ó dàbí eni pé wọ́n máa ń ta wọ́n ní àwọn àyè tó lómi, níbi ojú, lẹ́yìn eti, ní ẹnu, àti ní òke owójà wọn.


You can imagine they would remember that very quickly.


Ẹ lè wòye wí pé wọn máa rántí ìyẹn kíákíá.


And it's not really one sting that they're scared of.


Kìí ṣe títa ẹ̀kan ṣoṣo ló ń bàwọ́n lẹ́rù.


African bees have a phenomenal ability: when they sting in one site, they release a pheromone that triggers the rest of the bees to come and sting the same site.


Àwọn oyin ilẹ̀ Adúláwọ̀ ní ipa tóyátọ̀: tí wọ́n bá tá nǹkan ní àyè kan, wọn yóò tu kẹ́míkà tí yóò ṣe okùnfa kí àwọn oyin tókù wá ta nǹkan náà ní àyè kan náà.


So it's not one beesting that they're scared of -- it's perhaps thousands of beestings, coming to sting in the same area -- that they're afraid of.


Nítorí náà kìí ṣe títa oyin ló ń bà wọ́n lẹ́rù -- bóyá títa ẹgbẹ̀rún oyin, tí wọ́n ń bọ̀ wá ta á ní àyè kan náà -- ló ń bà wọ́n lẹ́rù.


And of course, a good matriarch would always keep her young away from such a threat.


Lóòótọ́, obìnrin olórí ilé tó dára yóò mú àwọn omọ rẹ̀ kúrò níbi irú ewu bẹ́ẹ̀.


Young calves have much thinner skins, and it's potential that they could be stung through their thinner skins.


Àwọn ọmọ erin máa ń ní awọ tó tírín díẹ̀, ó sì ṣe é ṣe pé kí wọ́n tawọ́n ní àwọn awọ tó tínrín yìí.


So for my PhD, I had this unusual challenge of trying to work out how African elephants and African bees would interact, when the theory was that they wouldn't interact at all.


Fún oyè òmọ̀wé mi, mo ní ìdojúkọ tó ṣọ̀wọ́n nínú ìgbìyànjú láti wá ọ̀nà àbáyọ sí bí àwọn erin nílẹ̀ Adúláwọ̀ àti àwọn oyin ilẹ̀ Adúláwọ̀ ṣe lè ní àjọṣepọ̀, nígbà tí tíọ́rì náà jẹ́ wí pé wọn ò lè ní àjọṣepọ̀ rárá.


How was I going to study this?


Báwo ni mo ṣe fẹ́ ṣẹ̀wádi èléyìí?


Well, what I did was I took the sound of disturbed African honey bees, and I played it back to elephants resting under trees through a wireless speaker system, so I could understand how they would react as if there were wild bees in the area.


Ó dáa, nǹkan tí mo ṣe ni pé mo mú ohùn àwọn oyin ilẹ̀ Adúláwọ̀ tó ń dàmú, mo wá pílé rẹ̀ padà fún àwọn erin tí wọ́n ń simi lábẹ́ igi nínú ẹ̀rọ-gbohùngbohùn tí ò ní wáyà, kín lè mọ bí wọn ó ṣe sẹ tó bá ṣe wí pé oyin tó burú bá wà ní agbègbè náà.


And it turns out that they react quite dramatically to the sound of African wild bees.


Àbájáde rè ni wí pé wọ́n húwà tó jọ bí eré sí ohùn àwọn oyin ilẹ̀ Adúláwọ̀ tó burú.


Here we are, playing the bee sounds back to this amazing group of elephants.


Àwa rè é, tí à ń pílè ohùn oyin padà fún ẹgbẹ́ àwọn oyin tí wọ́n yanilẹ́nu yìí.


You can see the ears going up, going out, they're turning their heads from side to side, one elephant is flicking her trunk to try and smell.


Ẹ rí bí etí wọn ṣe ń lọ sókè, tó ń jáde, tí wọ́n ń yí orí wọn láti apákan sí ìkejì, erin kan ń fi ọwọ́ja rẹ̀ láti gbìyànjú lati gbóòrún.


There's another elephant that kicks one of calves on the ground to tell it to get up as if there is a threat.


Erin mìíràn wà tó ń ta ọ̀kan nínú àwọn ọmọ rẹ̀ tó wà nílẹ̀ nípà láti sọ fún-un wí pé kó dìde bí ẹni pé ewú wà.


And one elephant triggers a retreat, and soon the whole family of elephants are running after her across the savannah in a cloud of dust.


Erin kan ń gbíyànjú láti sá sẹ́yìn, láìpẹ́ gbogbo ẹbí erin ti ń sá tẹ̀le fòna nínú ẹ̀ṣú eruku.


(Sound of bees buzzing)


(ohùn oyin tó ń kùn).


(Sound of bees ends)


(ohùn oyin ti parí).


Now I've done this experiment many, many times, and the elephants almost always flee.


Mo ti ṣe ìdánwò yìí láìmọye ìgbà, àwọn erin náà fẹ́rẹ̀ lè sálọ ní gbogbo ìgbà.


Not only do they run away, but they dust themselves as they're running, as if to knock bees out of the air.


Kìí ṣe pé wọ́n sálọ nìkan, ṣùgbọ́n wọ́n máa ń gbọnra bí wọ́n ṣe ńsálọ, bí ẹni pé wọ́n ń gbọn oyin danù.


And we placed infrasonic microphones around the elephants as we did these experiments.


A gbé àwọn ẹ̀rọ agbohùn kẹ́lẹ́kẹ́lẹ́ sí ọrùn àwọn erin náà bí a ṣe ń ṣe àyẹ̀wò wọ̀nyí.


And it turns out they're communicating to each other in infrasonic rumbles to warn each other of the threat of bees and to stay away from the area.


Àbájáde rẹ̀ ni wí pé wọ́n ń bá ara wọn sọ̀rọ̀ pẹ̀lú ìkùn kẹ́lẹ́kẹ́lẹ́ láti kira wọn nílọ̀ nípa ewu oyin àti jíjínà sí agbègbè náà.


So these behavioral discoveries really helped us understand how elephants would react should they hear or see bee sounds.


Àwọn àwárí ìṣesí wọ̀nyí rànwá lọ́wọ́ gan-an láti ní òye bí àwọn erin ṣe ń húwà tí wọ́n bá fi lè gbọ́ ohùn oyin.


This led me to invent a novel design for a beehive fence, which we are now building around small, one-to-two-acre farms on the most vulnerable frontline areas of Africa where humans and elephants are competing for space.


Èyí ló darí mi láti ṣẹ̀da ìṣelọ́jọ̀ ọgbà afárá oyin àkọ́kọ́ṣe, tí à ń kọ́ nísinyìí káàkiri àwọn saare ilẹ̀ kan sí méjì oko kékèèké, ní àwọn àyè tí wọ́n léwájú ìkángun-séwu nílẹ̀ Adúláwọ̀ níbi tí àwọn ènìyàn àti erin ti ń jìjàgùdù fún àyè.


These beehive fences are very, very simple.


Àwọn ọgbà afárá oyin wọ̀nyí rọrùn gidi gaan.


We use 12 beehives and 12 dummy hives to protect one acre of farmland.


A lo afárá oyin méjílà àti ẹ̀da afárá oyin méjílà láti dáààbòbo saare ilẹ̀-oko kan.


Now a dummy hive is simply a piece of plywood which we cut into squares, paint yellow and hang in between the hives.


Báyìí igi pilaiwúdù kan tí a gé sí igun mẹ́rin ni ẹ̀da afárá oyin, tí a kùn ní àwọ ayìnrín tí a fi há sáàrín afárá-oyin náà.


We're basically tricking the elephants into thinking there are more beehives than there really are.


À ń tan àwọn erin náà láti rò wí pé ilé oyin pọ̀ níbẹ̀ ju bó ṣe yẹ lọ.


And of course, it literally halves the cost of the fence.


Bẹ́ẹ̀ sì ni, ó sọ iye owó ọgbà náà di àbọ̀.


So there's a hive and a dummy hive and a beehive and now dummy hive, every 10 meters around the outside boundary.


Afárá kan àti ẹ̀da afárá àti afárá-òyin àti ẹ̀da afárá ló wà, ní gbogbo mítà mẹ́wà yíká ààlà ìta.


They're held up by posts with a shade roof to protect the bees, and they're interconnected with a simple piece of plain wire, which goes all the way around, connecting the hives.


Àwọn igi ló gbé wọn dúró pẹ̀lú òrùle abòji láti dáààbòbo àwọn oyin, wọ́n sì sopọ̀ pẹ̀lú ògidi wáyà kékeré kan, tó lọ yíká, tó so àwọn afárá oyin náà papọ̀.


So if an elephant tries to enter the farm, he will avoid the beehive at all cost, but he might try and push through between the hive and the dummy hive, causing all the beehives to swing as the wire hits his chest.


Bí erin kan bá gbìyànjú láti wọ oko náà, yóò sá fún afárá oyin náà lọ́nà kọnà, ṣùgbọ́n ó lè gbìyànjú láti kọjá láàárín afárá oyin àti ẹ̀da afárá oyin náà, tí yóò mú kí àwọn ilé oyin náà ó sún bí wáyà náà bá ṣe ń ba àya rẹ̀.


And as we know from our research work, this will cause the elephants to flee and run away -- and hopefully remember not to come back to that risky area.


Bí a ṣe mọ̀ látara iṣẹ́ ìwádìí wa, èyí máa jẹ́ kí erin náà sá kó sì feré ge - pẹ̀lú ìrètí wí pé yóò rántí láti má padà wá sí agbègbe ewu yẹn.


The bees swarm out of the hive, and they really scare the elephants away.


Àwọn oyin náà máa ṣùrù jáde nínú afárá náà, wọ́n ó sì lé erin náà lọ.


These beehive fences we're studying using things like camera traps to help us understand how elephants are responding to them at night time, which is when most of the crop raiding occurs.


Àwọn ọgbà afárá oyin tí à ń ṣe ìwádìí rẹ̀ pẹ̀lu lílo àwọn nǹkan bíi pánpẹ́ ayàwòrán láti jẹ́ ká ní òye bí àwọn erin ṣe ń húwà sí wọn lálẹ́, tó jẹ́ àsìkò tí jíjẹ nǹkan ọ̀gbìn máa ń ṣẹlẹ̀ jù.


And we found in our study farms that we're keeping up to 80 percent of elephants outside of the boundaries of these farms.


A rí i nínú àwọn oko ìwádìí wa wí pé à ń lé tó ìdá ọgọ́rin erin síta ààlà àwọn oko wọ̀nyí.


And the bees and the beehive fences are also pollinating the fields.


Àwọn oyin àti ọgbà afárá oyin náà ń gbọn ìyẹ̀rin sóri ilẹ̀ náà.


So we're having a great reduction both in elephant crop raids and a boost in yield through the pollination services that the bees are giving to the crops themselves.


À ń ní àdínkù tó pọ̀ nínú ìjẹko erin àti àlékún nínú irè oko nípasẹ̀ iṣẹ́ gbíbọn ìyẹ̀rin tí àwọn oyin náà ń fún àwọn nǹkan ọ̀gbìn fúnra wọn.


The strength of the beehive fences is really important -- the colonies have to be very strong.


Agbára ọgbà afárá oyin náà ṣe pàtàkì gidi gan-an -- àwọn ilé náà ní láti lágbára gidi gan-an.


So we're trying to help farmers grow pollinator-friendly crops to boost their hives, boost the strength of their bees and, of course, produce the most amazing honey.


À ń gbìyànjú láti bá àwọn àgbẹ̀ gbin àwọn irè-oko tí wọ́n bá ìyẹ̀rin rẹ́ láti ṣàlékún agbára afárá wọn, lóòótọ́, pèse oyin tó dára jù.


This honey is so valuable as an extra livelihood income for the farmers.


Oyin yìí lówó lórí gidi gan-an gẹ́gẹ́ bi àfikún ìpawówọlé fún àwọn àgbẹ̀.


It's a healthy alternative to sugar, and in our community, it's a very valuable present to give a mother-in-law, which makes it almost priceless.


Arọ́pò tó dára ló jẹ́ fún ṣúgà, ní àwùjọ wa, ẹ̀bùn tó jọjú ló jẹ́ láti fún ìyá-ìyàwo wa, tó fẹ́rẹ̀ẹ́ sọ ọ́ di nǹkan olówó iye-bíye.


We now bottle up this honey, and we've called this wild beautiful honey Elephant-Friendly Honey.


A ti ń pọn oyin yìí sínú ìgò, a sì ti pe oyin búburú tó rẹwà yìí ní Oyin Abérin Sọ̀rẹ́.


It is a fun name, but it also attracts attention to our project and helps people understand what we're trying to do to save elephants.


Orúkọ tó panilẹ́rìn ni, ṣùgbọ́n ó tún pe àkíyèsí sí iṣẹ́ àkànṣe wa ó dẹ̀ ń ran àwọn ènìyàn lọ́wọ́ láti ní òye nǹkan tí à ń gbìyànjú láti ṣe láti dóòla àwọn erin.


We're working now with so many women in over 60 human-elephant conflict sites in 19 countries in Africa and Asia to build these beehive fences, working very, very closely with so many farmers but particularly now with women farmers, helping them to live better in harmony with elephants.


À ń ṣiṣẹ́ pọ̀ pẹ̀lú ọ̀pọ̀lọpọ̀ àwọn obìnrin ní àwọn àyè rògbòdìyàn ènìyàn àti ẹranko tó lé ní ọgọ́ta ní orílẹ̀-èdè mọ́kàn-dín-lógún nílẹ̀ Adúláwọ̀ àti Asia láti kọ́ àwọn ọgbà afárá oyin wọ̀nyí, à ń ṣiṣẹ́ papọ̀ pẹ̀lú ọ̀pọ̀lọpọ̀ àwọn agbẹ̀ ṣùgbọ́n ní pàápàah jùlọ báyìí pẹ̀lú àwọn àgbẹ̀ lóbìnrin, ríràn wọ́n lọ́wọ́ láti gbé ní ìrẹ́pọ̀ pẹ̀lú àwọn erin.


One of the things we're trying to do is develop a toolbox of options to live in better harmony with these massive pachyderms.


Ọ̀kan nínú àwọn nǹkan tí à ń gbìyànjú láti ṣe ni láti pèse àpótí-irinṣẹ́ oní yíyàn kan láti túbọ̀ gbé ní ìrẹ́pọ̀ pẹ̀lú àwọn ẹranko ńlá wọ̀nyí.


One of those issues is to try and get farmers, and women in particular, to think different about what they're planting inside their farms as well.


Ọ̀kan nínú ìṣoro yẹn ni láti rí àwọn àgbẹ̀, ní pátàkì jùlọ àwọn obìnrin, láti ní ìrónú tó yátọ̀ nípa nǹkan tí wọ́n ń gbìn sínú oko wọn bákan náà.


So we're looking at planting crops that elephants don't particularly want to eat, like chillies, ginger, Moringa, sunflowers.


À ń wo ṣíṣe ọ̀gbin àwọn irè oko tí àwọn erin ní pàtàkì jùlọ ò fẹ́ jẹ, bíi ata, ata ilẹ̀, mọ̀ríńgà, àti òdòdó-oòrùn.


And of course, the bees and the beehive fences love these crops too, because they have beautiful flowers.


Lóòótọ́ ni, àwọn oyin àti àwọn ọgbà afárá oyin fẹ́ràn àwọn irè-oko wọ̀nyìí pẹ̀lú, nítorí pé wọ́n ní àwọn òdòdó tó rẹwà.


One of these plants is a spiky plant called sisal -- you may know this here as jute.


Ọ̀kan nínú àwọn nkan ọ̀gbìn wọ̀nyí jẹ́ àwọn nǹkan-ọ̀gbìn tó máa ń pọ̀ tí wọ́n ń pè ní sísun -- ẹ lè mọ èyí sí júútì níbí yìí.


And this amazing plant can be stripped down and turned into a weaving product.


Nǹkan ọ̀gbìn tó dára yìí lè di bíbọ́ sí hòhò ká sì yi padà sí èròja híhun.


We're working with these amazing women now who live daily with the challenges of elephants to use this plant to weave into baskets to provide an alternative income for them.


À ń ṣiṣẹ́ pẹ̀lú àwọn obìnrin tí wọ́n dára báyìí tí wọ́n ń gbé pẹ̀lú ìdojúkọ àwọn erin ẹ̀da afárá oyin jẹ́ láti lo àwọn nǹkan ọ̀gbìn yìí láti hun apẹ̀rẹ̀ láti pèse apààrọ̀ ìpawówọlé fún wọn.


We've just started construction only three weeks ago on a women's enterprise center where we're going to be working with these women not only as expert beekeepers but as amazing basket weavers; they're going to be processing chili oils, sunflower oils, making lip balms and honey, and we're somewhere on our way to helping these participating farmers live with better eco-generating projects that live and work better with living with elephants.


A ṣẹ̀ bẹ̀rè síní kọ́ ọ ní bíi ọ̀sẹ̀ mẹ́ta sẹ́yìn sí àyè ilé-iṣẹ́ àwọn obìnrin níbi tí a ó ti máa ṣiṣẹ́ pẹ̀lú àwọn obìnrin wọ̀nyí tí kìí ṣe gẹ́gẹ́ bi òjìni olùtọ́jú-oyin nìkan ṣùgbọ́n gẹ́gẹ́ bi oníṣẹ́ ọnà apẹ̀rẹ̀; wọn yóò ma pèse òróró ṣílì, òróró òdòdó-oòrùn, ṣíṣe ìpara ètè àti oyin, a wà níbìkan lójú ọ̀nà láti ran àwọn àgbẹ̀ tí wọ́n ń kópa wọ̀nyí lọ́wọ́ láti ní ìgbeayé tó dára pẹ̀lú àwọn iṣẹ́-àkànṣe tó ń pèsè ọjọ̀ tó dára tí yóò ma gbé tí yóó sì ma ṣiṣẹ́ pẹ̀lú ìgbépọ̀ pẹ̀lú àwọn erin.


So whether it's matriarchs or mothers or researchers like myself, I do see more women coming to the forefront now to think differently and more boldly about the challenges that we face.


Torí náà bóyá àwọn obìnrin olórí ilé ni tàbí àwọn abiyamọ tàbí àwọn oníṣẹ́ ìwádìí bíi tèmi, mo máa ń rí ọ̀pọ̀lọpọ̀ àwọn obìnrin tí wọ́n ń léwájú báyìí láti ronú lọ́nà ọ̀tọ̀ tí wọ́n sì ní ìgboyà si nípa àwọn ìdojúkọ tí à ń kojú.


With more innovation, and perhaps with some more empathy towards each other, I do believe we can move from a state of conflict with elephants to true coexistence.


Pẹ̀lú ìṣẹdá lọ́pọ̀, àti bóyá pẹ̀lú àánú fún arawa, mo nígbàgbọ́ pé a lẹ̀ sún láti rògbòdìyàn pẹ̀lú erin sí àjọgbépọ̀ tòótọ́.


Will automation take away all our jobs?


Ǹjẹ́ àdáṣe lè gba gbogbo iṣẹ́ wa lọ?


Here's a startling fact: in the 45 years since the introduction of the automated teller machine, those vending machines that dispense cash, the number of human bank tellers employed in the United States has roughly doubled, from about a quarter of a million to a half a million.


Òdodo-ọ̀rọ̀ tó yanilẹ́nu rè é: ní bíi ọdún márùn-lé-lógójì látígbà tí wọ́n ti ṣàfihàn ẹ̀rọ tó ń pọwó, àwọn ẹ̀rọ tó máa ń pọwó jáde wọ̀nyí, iye àwọn ènìyàn tí wọ́n ń gbà láti máa kawó ní orílẹ̀-ède United State ti di ìlọ́po méjì, láti bí ìdá mẹ́rin ẹgbẹ̀rún-lọ́nà-ẹgbẹ̀rún di ìdajì àádọ́ta-ọ̀kẹ́.


A quarter of a million in 1970 to about a half a million today, with 100,000 added since the year 2000.


Ìdá 4 àádọ́ta-ọ̀kẹ́ ní ọdún 1970 sí bíi ìdajì ẹgbẹ̀rún-lọ́nà-ẹgbẹ̀rún lónìí, pẹ̀lú àfikún ẹgbẹ̀rún lọ́nà ọgọ́rùn láti ọdún 2000.


These facts, revealed in a recent book by Boston University economist James Bessen, raise an intriguing question: what are all those tellers doing, and why hasn't automation eliminated their employment by now?


"Àwọn òdodo wọ̀nyí, tí wọ́n yojú rẹ̀ síta nínú ìwe onímọ̀ nípa ọrọ̀-ajé ní fásitì Boston James Bassen, béèrè ìbéèrè t""ó bà mí lẹ́rù: kíni àwọn tí wọ́n ń sanwó wọ̀nyẹn ń ṣe, kí l""ó fà á tí ìmọ̀-ẹ̀rọ-àdáṣiṣẹ́ ò ṣe tíì gbaṣẹ́ lọ́wọ́ wọn lásíkò yìí?"


If you think about it, many of the great inventions of the last 200 years were designed to replace human labor.


Bí ẹ bá ronú nípa rẹ̀, ọ̀pọ̀lọpọ̀ àwọn ìṣẹ̀dá ńlá láti bíi igba odún sẹ́yìn ni wọ́n ṣe láti rọ́pò iṣẹ́ ọmọ ènìyàn.


Tractors were developed to substitute mechanical power for human physical toil.


A ṣẹ̀da ọkọ̀ katakata ìdáko láti fi agbára ẹ̀rọ rọ́pò làálàá agbára kíkan ọmọ ènìyàn.


Assembly lines were engineered to replace inconsistent human handiwork with machine perfection.


A ṣẹ̀da ibi-ìtọkọ̀-papọ̀ láti fi ìṣedéédéé ẹ̀rọ rọ́pò àìṣedéédéé iṣẹ́-ọwọ́ ọmọ ènìyàn.


Computers were programmed to swap out error-prone, inconsistent human calculation with digital perfection.


A kọ-èdè-ìṣiṣẹ́ ẹ̀rọ-ayárabíàṣá láti pààrọ àṣìṣe, àìṣedéédéé ìṣirò ọmọ ènìyàn pẹ̀lú àìṣedéédéé ẹ̀rọ-ayárabíàṣá ìgbàlódé.


These inventions have worked.


Àwọn ọgbọ́n ìpilẹ̀ṣe wọ̀nyí ti ṣiṣẹ́.


We no longer dig ditches by hand, pound tools out of wrought iron or do bookkeeping using actual books.


"A ò fi ọwọ́ gbẹ́ kótò mọ́, k""á lu irinṣẹ́ jáde látara akọ irin tàbí k""á fi àwọn ìwé gangan ṣe ìfìwépamọ́."


And yet, the fraction of US adults employed in the labor market is higher now in 2016 than it was 125 years ago, in 1890, and it's risen in just about every decade in the intervening 125 years.


Síbẹ̀, apá kan àwọn àgbàlagbà tí wọ́n ń gbà ní ọjà òṣìṣẹ́ ti ga báyìí ní ọdún 2016 ju bí ó ṣe wà ní ọdún márùn-ún-lé-lọ́gọ́fà sẹ́yìn, ní ọdún 1890, ó sì ń lékún ní gbogbo ẹ̀wá ọdún láàárín ọdún márùn-ún-lé-lọ́gọ́fà náà.


This poses a paradox.


Èyí ń ṣe àfihàn ajọ̀ró-ṣòótọ́.


Our machines increasingly do our work for us.


Àwọn ẹ̀rọ wa ń ṣe àlékún iṣẹ́ wa fún wà.


Why doesn't this make our labor redundant and our skills obsolete?


Kí ló dé tí èyí ò ṣe jẹ́ kí àwọn òṣìṣẹ́ ó léélẹ̀ kí ìmọ́ṣe wa ó sì má wúlò mọ́?


Why are there still so many jobs?


Kí ló dé tí iṣẹ́ ṣì ṣe pọ̀?


I'm going to try to answer that question tonight, and along the way, I'm going to tell you what this means for the future of work and the challenges that automation does and does not pose for our society.


Mà á gbìyànjú láti dáhùn ìbéèrè yẹn lálẹ́ yìí, bí a bá ṣe ń ṣe èyí, màá sọ nǹkan tí èyí túmọ̀ sí fún ọjọ́-iwájú iṣẹ́ àti ìdojúkọ tí ìdáṣe ń ṣe àti àwọn tí kò sí fún àwùjọ wa.


Why are there so many jobs?


Kí ló dé tí iṣẹ́ ṣe pọ̀.


There are actually two fundamental economic principles at stake.


Ìlàna ọrọ̀-ajé tó ṣe pàtàkì méjì ló wà nínú ewu.


One has to do with human genius and creativity.


Ọ̀kan ní ṣe pẹ̀lú ọpọlọ ọmọ ènìyàn àti ọgbọ́n àtinúdá.


The other has to do with human insatiability, or greed, if you like.


Ìkejì níṣe pẹ̀lu àìláyo-ọkàn ọmọ ènìyàn, ọ̀kánjúà, tí ẹ bá fẹ́.


I'm going to call the first of these the O-ring principle, and it determines the type of work that we do.


Màá pe àkọ́kọ́ nínú àwọn yìí ní ìlàna òrùka-O, ó sì máa ń ṣe okùnfa irú iṣẹ́ tí à ń ṣe.


The second principle is the never-get-enough principle, and it determines how many jobs there actually are.


Ìlànà kejì ni ìlàna kòtó, ó sì máa ń ṣe okùnfa iye iṣẹ́ tó wà.


Let's start with the O-ring.


Ẹ jẹ́ ká bẹ̀rẹ̀ pẹ̀lú òrùka-O.


ATMs, automated teller machines, had two countervailing effects on bank teller employment.


Àwọn ATM, ẹ̀rọ tó ń dá pọwó, ní ipa alágbára méjì lára ìgbanisíṣẹ́ àwọn òṣìṣẹ ilé-ìfowópamọ́ tí wọ́n ń fúni lówó.


As you would expect, they replaced a lot of teller tasks.


Bí ẹ ṣe ń retí rẹ̀, wọ́n rọ́pọ̀ ọ̀pọ̀lọpọ̀ iṣẹ́ àwọn tí wọ́n ń fúni lówó.


The number of tellers per branch fell by about a third.


Iye àwọn tí wọ́n ń fúnni lówó ní ẹ̀ka kọ̀ọ̀kan dínkù pẹ̀lú ìdá mẹ́ta.


But banks quickly discovered that it also was cheaper to open new branches, and the number of bank branches increased by about 40 percent in the same time period.


Ṣùgbọ́n àwọn ilé-ìfowópamọ́ padà ri wí pé ó rọjú láti ṣí ẹ̀ka tuntun, iye ẹ̀ka ilé-ìfowópamọ́ lékún pẹ̀lú bíi ìdá ogójì ní àsìkò kan náà.


The net result was more branches and more tellers.


Èsì àpapọ̀ ni wí pé bí ẹ̀ka ṣe ń pọ̀ si ni àwọn tí wọ́n ń fúni lówó náà ń pọ̀ si.


But those tellers were doing somewhat different work.


Ṣùgbọ́n àwọn tí wọ́n ń fúni lówó yìí ń ṣiṣẹ́ ọ̀tọ̀.


As their routine, cash-handling tasks receded, they became less like checkout clerks and more like salespeople, forging relationships with customers, solving problems and introducing them to new products like credit cards, loans and investments: more tellers doing a more cognitively demanding job.


Gẹ́gẹ́ bi ojúṣe wọn, iṣẹ́ gbígba-owó dínkù, wọn ò yàtọ̀ sí agbowó wọ́n sì jọ abánitajà, níní àjọṣepọ̀ pẹ̀lú àwọn oníbàráà, yíyanjú àwọn ìṣòro àti ṣíṣe àfihàn àwọn ohun-èlò ọ̀tun bíi ike-ìgbawó, owó-ìyá àti ìdókòwò: ọ̀pọ̀ àwọn afúni lówó tí wọ́n ń ṣe àwọn iṣẹ́ tó gba ọpọlọ.


There's a general principle here.


Ìlànà àpapọ̀ wà níbí.


Most of the work that we do requires a multiplicity of skills, and brains and brawn, technical expertise and intuitive mastery, perspiration and inspiration in the words of Thomas Edison.


Ọ̀pọ̀lọpọ̀ iṣẹ́ tí à ń ṣe ló gba ìmọ̀ọ́ṣe lọ́pọ̀, àti ọpọ̀lọ àti agbára, òjìni onímọ̀-ẹ̀rọ àti ọpọlọ ìmọ̀ọ́ṣe, ìlàágùn àti ìmísí nínú ọ̀rọ Thomas Edison.


In general, automating some subset of those tasks doesn't make the other ones unnecessary.


Lápapọ̀, ìdáṣe àwọn àtúnpín sẹ́ẹ́tì àwọn iṣẹ́ wọ̀nyẹn ò ní sọ àwọn tókù di aláìṣe pàtàkì.


In fact, it makes them more important.


Ní tòótọ́, ó máa ń jẹ́ kí wọ́n ṣe pàtàkì si ni.


It increases their economic value.


Ó máa ń ṣe àfikún ìwúlò ọrọ̀-ajé wọn ni.


Let me give you a stark example.


Ẹ jẹ́ kín fún-un yín ní àpẹẹrẹ kan tó fojú hàn.


In 1986, the space shuttle Challenger exploded and crashed back down to Earth less than two minutes after takeoff.


Ní ọdún 1986, ọkọ̀ òfuurufú oníjà gbiná ó sì já padà sí ayé lẹ́yìn bí ìṣẹ́jú méjì tó gbéra.


The cause of that crash, it turned out, was an inexpensive rubber O-ring in the booster rocket that had frozen on the launchpad the night before and failed catastrophically moments after takeoff.


Nǹkan tó ṣokùnfa jíjá yẹn, àbájáde rẹ̀, jẹ́ rọ́bà òrùka-O tí kìí ràn nínú afún rọ́kẹ́tì lágbára tó ti dì sóri páádì-ìgbéra lálẹ́ẹ ó kọ̀la tó sì kọṣẹ́ lọ́nà tó léwu ní àsìkò díẹ̀ lẹ́yìn tó gbéra.


In this multibillion dollar enterprise that simple rubber O-ring made the difference between mission success and the calamitous death of seven astronauts.


Ní ilé-iṣẹ́ ọlọ́pọ̀ bílíọ̀nu dọ́là tí rọ́bà òrùka-O lásán ti ṣe ìyàtọ̀ láàárín iṣẹ́ tó yege àti àjálù ikú àwọn arédùmarè méje.


An ingenious metaphor for this tragic setting is the O-ring production function, named by Harvard economist Michael Kremer after the Challenger disaster.


Ojúlówó àfiwé ẹlẹ́lọ̀ọ́ fún ibùdó ìṣẹ̀lẹ̀ burúkú yìí ni ojúṣe ìṣẹ̀da òrùka-O, tí onímọ̀ nípa ọrọ̀-ajé Michael Kremer fún lórúkọ lẹ́yìn àjálù burúkú àwọn oníja.


The O-ring production function conceives of the work as a series of interlocking steps, links in a chain.


Iṣẹ́ ìpèsè òrùka-O fa ìròrí iṣẹ́ náà gẹ́gẹ́ bí oríṣiríṣi ìgbésẹ̀ tó wọnú ara wọn, tí wọ́n sopọ̀ nínú okùn kan.


Every one of those links must hold for the mission to succeed.


Ìkọ̀ọ̀kan nínú àwọn ìsopọ̀ wọ̀nyẹn gbọ́dọ̀ ṣẹlẹ̀ kí iṣẹ́ náà lè di àṣeyọrí.


If any of them fails, the mission, or the product or the service, comes crashing down.


Bí ìkànkan nínú wọn bá kúnà, iṣẹ́ náà, tàbí ohun-èlò tàbí iṣẹ́ náà, yóò já lulẹ̀.


This precarious situation has a surprisingly positive implication, which is that improvements in the reliability of any one link in the chain increases the value of improving any of the other links.


Ìṣẹ̀lẹ̀ aṣe é ṣe yìí ní àpadàbọ̀ rere tó yani lẹ́nu, tó ṣe wí pé àtúnṣe nínú ìgbáralé ìkọ̀ọ̀kan nínú àwọn ìsopọ̀ náà máa ṣe àfikún ìwúlò àtúnṣe ìkànkan àwọn ìsopọ̀ yókù.


Concretely, if most of the links are brittle and prone to breakage, the fact that your link is not that reliable is not that important.


Ní àrídìmú, tí ọ̀pọ̀lọpọ̀ àwọn ìsopọ̀ náà bá le tí wọ́n sì lè kán, pàápàá pé ìsopọ̀ yín ò ṣé gbáralé ò fi bẹ́ẹ̀ ṣe pàtàkì.


Probably something else will break anyway.


Bóyá nǹkan mìíràn ló máa kán báyẹn.


But as all the other links become robust and reliable, the importance of your link becomes more essential.


S̀ùgbọ́n bí àwọn ìsopọ̀ tókù ṣe ń tóbi síi tí wọ́n sì ṣe é gbáralé, pàtàki ìsopọ̀ yín yóò túbọ̀ wúlò si.


In the limit, everything depends upon it.


Ní gbèdéke, gbogbo nǹkan ló gbára lé e.


The reason the O-ring was critical to space shuttle Challenger is because everything else worked perfectly.


Ìdí tí òrùka-O ṣe ṣe pàtàkì sí àwọn ọkọ̀ òfuurufú oníjà ni wí pé gbogbo nǹkan tókù ló ṣiṣẹ́ dáadáa.


If the Challenger were kind of the space era equivalent of Microsoft Windows 2000 --the reliability of the O-ring wouldn't have mattered because the machine would have crashed.


Bí àwọn oníjà náà bá jẹ́ adọ́gba pẹ̀lú Microsoft Window ọdún 2000 -- ìgbáralé òrùka-O ò ní kàn wọ́n nítorí ẹ̀rọ náà yóò ti já lulẹ̀.


Here's the broader point.


Kókó-ọ̀rọ̀ tó tún fẹjú rè é.


In much of the work that we do, we are the O-rings.


Nínú ọ̀pọ̀lọ pọ̀ iṣẹ́ tí à ń ṣe, àwa ni òrùka-O.


Yes, ATMs could do certain cash-handling tasks faster and better than tellers, but that didn't make tellers superfluous.


Bẹ́ẹ̀ ni, àwọn ẹ̀rọ ATM lè yára ṣe àwọn iṣẹ́ ju àwọn tí wọ́n ń fún ni lówó lọ, ṣùgbọ́n ìyẹn ò sọ àwọn tí wọ́n ń fún ni lówó di aláìwúlò.


It increased the importance of their problem-solving skills and their relationships with customers.


Ó ń ṣe àfikún sí pàtàki ìmọ̀ọ́ṣe ìyanjú-ìṣòro wọn àti àjọṣepọ̀ wọn pẹ̀lú àwọn oníbàárà.


The same principle applies if we're building a building, if we're diagnosing and caring for a patient, or if we are teaching a class to a roomful of high schoolers.


Irú ìlànà bẹ́ẹ̀ la máa lò tí a bá ń kọ́ ilé kan, tí a bá ń ṣe àyẹ̀wò tí a sì ń ṣe ìtọ́jú àwọn aláìsàn, tàbí tí a bá ń kọ́ kílásì àwọn akẹ́kọ̀ọ́ ní ilé-ìwe girama tó kún dẹ́nu.


As our tools improve, technology magnifies our leverage and increases the importance of our expertise and our judgment and our creativity.


Bi irinṣẹ́ ṣe ń dàgbá sókè, ìmọ̀-ẹ̀rọ tí ṣe àfikún agbára wa ó sì ti ṣe àfikún sí pàtàkì ìmọ̀-òjìni wa àti ìdájọ́ wa àti ọgbọ́n àtinúdá wa.


And that brings me to the second principle: never get enough.


Èyí ló mú mi lọ síbi ìlànà kejì: kòtó.


You may be thinking, OK, O-ring, got it, that says the jobs that people do will be important.


Ẹ lè máa rò wí pé, ó dára, òrùka-O, ó yémi, tó sọ wí pé àwọn iṣẹ́ tí àwọn ènìyàn ń ṣe máa ṣe pàtàkì.


They can't be done by machines, but they still need to be done.


Àwọn ẹ̀rọ ò lè ṣe wọ́n, ṣùgbọ́n wọ́n ṣì gbọdọ̀ di ṣíṣe.


But that doesn't tell me how many jobs there will need to be.


Ṣùgbọ́n ìyen ò sọ fún mi iye iṣẹ́ tí yóò wà.


If you think about it, isn't it kind of self-evident that once we get sufficiently productive at something, we've basically worked our way out of a job?


Tí ẹ bá ronú nípa ẹ̀, ṣé kò fojú hàn pé tí a bá ti rí nǹkan ṣe, a ti wá ọ̀nà wa jáde kúrò níbi iṣẹ́ yẹn?


In 1900, 40 percent of all US employment was on farms.


Ní ọdún 1900, ìdá ogójì gbogbo ìgbanisíṣẹ́ ní orílẹ̀-ède US jẹ́ lórí oko.


Today, it's less than two percent.


Lónì, ó ti dínkù ní ìdá méjì.


Why are there so few farmers today?


Kí ló dé tí àwọn àgbẹ́ ṣe kéré lónì?


It's not because we're eating less.


Kìí ṣe nítorí pé a ò jẹun púpọ̀.


A century of productivity growth in farming means that now, a couple of million farmers can feed a nation of 320 million.


Òrún ọdún ìdàgbàsókè nínú iṣẹ́-àgbẹ̀ túmọ̀ sí wí pé ní báyìí, ìlọ́po ẹgbẹ̀rún-lọ́nà-ẹgbẹ̀rún àwọn àgbẹ̀ lè bọ́ orílẹ̀-èdè tó ní ẹgbẹ̀rún-lọ́nà-ẹgbẹ̀rún ọ̀rìn-dín-nírinwó lé lógún ènìyàn.


That's amazing progress, but it also means there are only so many O-ring jobs left in farming.


Ìtẹ̀síwájú tó yanilẹ́nu nìyẹn, ṣùgbọ́n ó tún túmọ̀ sí wí pé àwọn iṣẹ́ òrùka-O tó pọ̀ ló kù nínú iṣẹ́ àgbẹ̀.


So clearly, technology can eliminate jobs.


Ó fojú hàn kedere, ìmọ̀-ẹ̀rọ lè pa iṣẹ́.


Farming is only one example.


Àpẹẹrẹ kan ṣoṣo ni iṣẹ́-àgbẹ̀ jẹ́.


There are many others like it.


Àwọn mìíràn bi irú rẹ̀ tún wà.


But what's true about a single product or service or industry has never been true about the economy as a whole.


Ṣùgbọ́n nǹkan tó jẹ́ òtítọ́ nípa ohun-èlò kan ṣoṣo tàbí iṣẹ́ tàbí ilé-iṣẹ́ kò fìgbà kan jẹ́ òtítọ́ nípa ọrọ̀-ajé lápapọ̀.


Many of the industries in which we now work -- health and medicine, finance and insurance, electronics and computing -- were tiny or barely existent a century ago.


Ọ̀pọ̀lọpọ̀ àwọn ilé-iṣẹ́ tí a ti ń ṣisẹ́ báyìí -- ìlera àti òògùn, ìṣúná àti ìdójútófò, ohun-èlò tó ń loná àti ẹ̀rọ-ayárabíàṣá -- kéré tàbí wọn ò fẹ́rẹ̀ sí rárá bí ọ̀rún ọdún sẹ́yìn.


Many of the products that we spend a lot of our money on -- air conditioners, sport utility vehicles, computers and mobile devices -- were unattainably expensive, or just hadn't been invented a century ago.


Ọ̀pọ̀lọpọ̀ nínú àwọn èròjà tí à ń ná ọ̀pọ owó wa lé lórí -- ẹ̀rọ amúlétutù, àwọn ọkọ̀ ọ̀bọ̀kún ọlọ́yé, ẹ̀rọ-ayárabíàṣá àti àwọn ẹ̀rọ ìbánisọ̀rọ̀ -- gbówó lórí gidi gan-an, tàbí wọn ò tíì ṣẹ̀da wọn bí ọrún ọdún sẹ́yìn.


As automation frees our time, increases the scope of what is possible, we invent new products, new ideas, new services that command our attention, occupy our time and spur consumption.


"Bí àdáṣe ṣe ń ṣe ìtúsílẹ̀ àsìkò wa, tó ń ṣe àlékún ojú-ìwòye nǹkan tó ṣe é ṣe, a ṣẹ̀dá àwọn èròjà tuntun, èrò tuntun, iṣẹ́ tuntun t""ó ń pàṣẹ fún àkíyèsi wa, t""ó ń gba àkókò àti ìlo wa."


You may think some of these things are frivolous -- extreme yoga, adventure tourism, Pokémon GO -- and I might agree with you.


Ẹ lè rò bóyá àwọn nǹkan wọ̀nyí jẹ́ ìná àpà -- ìpẹ̀kun yóga, ìrìn-àjo afẹ́, Pokémon GO -- mo sì lè gbà pẹ̀lú yín.


But people desire these things, and they're willing to work hard for them.


Ṣùgbọ́n àwọn ènìyàn nífẹ̀ sí àwọn nǹkan wọ̀nyí, wọ́n sì ṣetán láti ṣiṣẹ́ kárakára fún wọn.


The average worker in 2015 wanting to attain the average living standard in 1915 could do so by working just 17 weeks a year, one third of the time.


Àròpin àwọn òṣìṣẹ́ ní ọdún 2015 tí wọ́n dúró láti dé ipò àròpin ìgbeayé àwòkọ́ṣe ní ọdún 1915 lè ṣe bẹ́ẹ̀ pẹ̀lú ṣíṣe iṣẹ́ fún ọ̀sẹ̀ mẹ́tà-dín-lógún péré nínú ọdún kan, ìdá mẹ́ta àsìkò náà.


But most people don't choose to do that.


Ṣùgbọ́n ọ̀pọ̀lọpọ̀ ènìyàn kìí fẹ́ ṣe ìyẹn.


They are willing to work hard to harvest the technological bounty that is available to them.


Wọ́n ṣetán láti ṣiṣẹ́ kárakára láti kórè ìmọ̀-ẹ̀rọ lọ́pọ̀ bó ṣe wà fún wọn.


Material abundance has never eliminated perceived scarcity.


Wíwà lọ́pọ̀ àwọn ohun-èlò kò tíì pa ọ̀wọ́n ti a kẹ́fín.


In the words of economist Thorstein Veblen, invention is the mother of necessity.


Nínú ọ̀rọ̀ onímọ̀ nípa ọrọ̀-ajé Thorstein Veblen, ìṣẹ̀dá ni ìyá fún kò ṣe é má nì.


Now. So if you accept these two principles, the O-ring principle and the never-get-enough principle, then you agree with me.


Nítorí náà tí ẹ bá gba àwọn ìlànà méjì wọ̀nyí, ìlàna òrùka-O àti ìlàna kòtó, ẹ ó gbà pẹ̀lú mi nígbà náà.


There will be jobs.


Iṣẹ́ yóò wà.


Does that mean there's nothing to worry about?


Ṣé ìyẹn túmọ̀ sí wí pé kò sí nǹkankan láti bẹ̀rù?


Automation, employment, robots and jobs -- it'll all take care of itself?


Ìdáṣe, ìgbanisíṣẹ́, ṣìgìdì-òyìnbó àti iṣẹ́ -- gbogbo wọn máa mójútó ara wọn?


That is not my argument.


Kì í ṣe àríyànjiyàn mi nìyẹn.


Automation creates wealth by allowing us to do more work in less time.


Ìdáṣe ń pèse ọrọ̀ pẹ̀lú fífún wa ní àǹfààní láti ṣiṣẹ́ tó pọ̀ ní àkókò péréte.


There is no economic law that says that we will use that wealth well, and that is worth worrying about.


Kò sí òfin ọrọ̀-ajé tó sọ wí pé a máa lo ọrọ̀ yẹn dáadáa, ìyen sì tó nǹkan tó yẹ ká ronú nípa rẹ̀.


Consider two countries, Norway and Saudi Arabia.


Ẹ wo orílẹ̀-èdè méjì, Norway àti Saudi Arabia.


Both oil-rich nations, it's like they have money spurting out of a hole in the ground.


Àwọn méjèèjì ni wọ́n ní epo, ó dà bí ẹni pé wọ́n ní owó tó ń jáde láti inú ihò kan nínú ilẹ̀ ni.


But they haven't used that wealth equally well to foster human prosperity, human prospering.


Ṣùgbọ́n wọn ò lo ọrọ̀ náà dọ́gba dáadáa láti ṣe àtìlẹyìn fún àṣeyọrí ọmọ ènìyàn, àwọn ènìyàn tó ń ṣàṣeyọrí.


Norway is a thriving democracy.


Norway jẹ́ òṣèlú àwarawa tó ń dágbà.


By and large, its citizens work and play well together.


Lápapọ̀, àwọn ọmọ-ilú rẹ̀ ń ṣe iṣẹ́ àti eré papọ̀.


It's typically numbered between first and fourth in rankings of national happiness.


Ó wà láàárín ipò àkọ́kọ́ sí ìkẹ́rin ní àtò ìdùnú orílẹ̀-èdè.


Saudi Arabia is an absolute monarchy in which many citizens lack a path for personal advancement.


Saudi Arabia jẹ́ ilú ọlọ́ba tí àwọn ọmọ-ìlú rẹ̀ ò ní ònà sí ìtẹ̀síwájú araẹni.


It's typically ranked 35th among nations in happiness, which is low for such a wealthy nation.


Ó wà nípò karùn-lé-lọ́gbọ̀n nínú àwọn orílẹ̀-èdè tí wọ́n wà nínú ìdùnnú, tí ó kéré fún irú orílẹ̀-èdè tó lọ́rọ̀ bẹ́ẹ̀.


Just by way of comparison, the US is typically ranked around 12th or 13th.


Pẹ̀lú ṣíṣe àfiwé lásán, orílẹ̀ ède US wà nípò kejìlá tàbí ìkẹtàlá.


The difference between these two countries is not their wealth and it's not their technology.


Ìyàtọ̀ tó wà láàárín àwọn orílẹ̀-èdè méjì yìí kì í ṣe ọrọ̀ wọn kì í sì í ṣe ìmọ̀-ẹ̀rọ wọn.


It's their institutions.


Àwọn ilé iṣẹ́ wọn ni.


Norway has invested to build a society with opportunity and economic mobility.


Norway ti dókòwò láti kọ́ àwùjọ tó ní àǹfààní àti àgbékiri ọrọ̀-ajé.


Saudi Arabia has raised living standards while frustrating many other human strivings.


Saudi Arabia ti ṣe àfikún sí afiṣòdiwọ̀n ìgbeayé nígba tí wọ́n ń wàhálà ọ̀pọ̀ ìgbìyànjú àwọn ènìyàn mìíràn.


Two countries, both wealthy, not equally well off.


Orílẹ̀-èdè méjì, tí wọ́n lọ́rọ̀, tí ọrọ̀ wọn ò dọ́gba.


And this brings me to the challenge that we face today, the challenge that automation poses for us.


Èyí ló mú mi wá síbi ìdojúkọ tí à ń kojú lónì, ìdojúkọ tí àdáṣe ń ṣe fún wa.


The challenge is not that we're running out of work.


Ìdojúkọ náà kìí ṣe wí pé kò sí iṣẹ́.


The US has added 14 million jobs since the depths of the Great Recession.


Orílẹ̀-ède US tí ṣe àfikún àádọ́ta-ọ̀kẹ́ mẹ́rìnlá iṣẹ́ láti ìgbà òpin òjòjo ọrọ̀-ajé tó lágbára.


The challenge is that many of those jobs are not good jobs, and many citizens cannot qualify for the good jobs that are being created.


Ìdojúkọ ibẹ̀ ni wí pé ọ̀pọ̀lọpọ̀ àwọn iṣẹ́ wọ̀nyẹn kìí ṣe iṣẹ́ rere, ọ̀pọ̀lọpọ̀ àwọn ará ìlú ò sì peregedé fún iṣẹ́ gidi tí wọ́n pésè.


Employment growth in the United States and in much of the developed world looks something like a barbell with increasing poundage on either end of the bar.


Ìdàgbàsókè ìgbanisíṣẹ́ ní orílẹ̀-ède United States àti ní ọ̀pọ̀lọpọ̀ àwọn orílẹ́ èdè tí wọ́n ti gòkè àgbà dà bi irin tí wọ́n ń ṣe àfikún ìgbérin ní ìpẹ̀kun irin méjééjì.


On the one hand, you have high-education, high-wage jobs like doctors and nurses, programmers and engineers, marketing and sales managers.


Ní apá kan, ẹ ní ẹ̀kọ́ gíga, àwọn iṣẹ́ tí owó-iṣẹ́ wọ́n ga bíi oníṣégùn òyìnbó àti àwọn olùtọ́-ilé-ìwòsàn, àwọn onímọ̀ nípa kọ̀mpúta àti àwọn onímọ̀-ẹ̀rọ, ìtajà àti àwọn alámòjútó ìtajà.


Employment is robust in these jobs, employment growth.


Ìgbanisíṣẹ́ pọ̀ nínú àwọn iṣẹ́ yìí, ìdàgbàsókè ìgbanisíṣẹ́.


Similarly, employment growth is robust in many low-skill, low-education jobs like food service, cleaning, security, home health aids.


Bákan náà, ìdàgbàsókè ìgbanisíṣẹ́ pọ̀ nínú àwọn iṣẹ́ oní ìmọ́ọ́ṣe-kékeré, àti ẹ̀kọ́ kékeré bíi iṣẹ́ oúnjẹ, agbálẹ̀, elétò ààbò, ìralnwọ́ ìlera inú-ilé.


Simultaneously, employment is shrinking in many middle-education, middle-wage, middle-class jobs, like blue-collar production and operative positions and white-collar clerical and sales positions.


Lásíkò kan náà, ìgbanisíṣẹ́ ń rù ní ọ̀pọ̀ àwọn ẹ̀kọ́ tó wà lágbede méjì, owó-iṣẹ́ agbedeméjì, àwọn iṣẹ́-agbedeméjì, bi ìṣiṣẹ́ amojú-ẹ̀rọ àti iṣẹ́ alákọ̀wé àti ìtajà.


The reasons behind this contracting middle are not mysterious.


Ìdí tí àárín yìí fi ń há yìí kìí ṣémò.


Many of those middle-skill jobs use well-understood rules and procedures that can increasingly be codified in software and executed by computers.


Ọ̀pọ̀lọpọ̀ àwọn iṣẹ́ ìmọ̀ọ́ṣe agbedeméjì máa ń lo àwọn òfin àti ìlànà tí ó yéni yéké tí wọ́n lè gbé sínú ohun-èlo ẹ̀rọ-ayárabíàṣá tí ò ṣe é fọwọ́ kàn tí wọ́n lè lò lórí ẹ̀rọ-ayárabíàṣá.


The challenge that this phenomenon creates, what economists call employment polarization, is that it knocks out rungs in the economic ladder, shrinks the size of the middle class and threatens to make us a more stratified society.


Ìdojúkọ tí nǹkan yìí ń dásílẹ̀, nǹkan tí àwọn onímọ̀ nípa ọrọ̀-ajé ń pè ní ìpín sí méjì ìgbanisíṣẹ́, ni wí pé ó máa ń já àwọn àkàsọ nínú àkàba ọrọ̀-ajé, ó máa n jóro ìwọn àwọn tí wọ́n wà lágbedeméjì ó sì ń dúkokò láti sọ àwùjọ wa di onípele.


On the one hand, a set of highly paid, highly educated professionals doing interesting work, on the other, a large number of citizens in low-paid jobs whose primary responsibility is to see to the comfort and health of the affluent.


Ní apá kan, ọ̀wọ́ àwọn tí wọ́n ń gbowó geere, àwọn akọ́ṣẹ́mọṣẹ́ tí wọ́n kàwé tí wọ́n ń ṣe iṣẹ́ tó rọrùn, lápá kejì, ogunlọ́gbọ̀n àwọn ará-ìlú tí wọ́n ń ṣiṣẹ́ tí owó iṣẹ́ wọn kéré tí ojúṣe wọn gangan jẹ́ láti rí sí ìdẹ̀rùn àti ìlèra àwọn ọlọ́rọ̀.


That is not my vision of progress, and I doubt that it is yours.


Èyí kìí ṣe àfojúsùn ìlọsíwájú mi, mo sì ń ṣeyè méjì pé tiyín nìyẹn.


But here is some encouraging news.


Ṣùgbọ́n àwọn ìròyìn tó wúnilórí nìyí.


We have faced equally momentous economic transformations in the past, and we have come through them successfully.


A ti kojú àwọn àsìkò àyípadà ọrọ̀-ajé sẹ́yìn, a sì ti rí ọ̀nà àbáyọ kúrò nínú wọn láṣeyọrí.


In the late 1800s and early 1900s, when automation was eliminating vast numbers of agricultural jobs -- remember that tractor?-- the farm states faced a threat of mass unemployment, a generation of youth no longer needed on the farm but not prepared for industry.


Ní ìpẹ̀kun àsìkò 1800 àti ìbẹ̀rẹ àsìko 1900, nígbà tí ìdáṣiṣẹ́ ń pa ọ̀pọ̀ àwọn iṣẹ́ àgbẹ̀ -- ẹ rántí ọkọ̀-katakata-ìdáko? ipò àwọn oko náa kojú ewu aìníṣẹ́lọ́wọ́ tó pọ̀, ìran àwọn ọ̀dọ́ tí a ò nílò lórí oko ṣùgbọ́n tí wọn ò ṣetán fún ilé-iṣẹ́.


Rising to this challenge, they took the radical step of requiring that their entire youth population remain in school and continue their education to the ripe old age of 16.


Kíkojú àwọn ìdojúkọ yìí, wọ́n gbé ìgbésẹ̀ akin fún pípè fún gbogbo àwọn ọ̀dọ́ láti dúró sí ilé-ẹ́kọ kí wọ́n sì tẹ̀sìwájú ẹ̀kọ wọn títí tí wọn ó fi bàlágà di ọmọ ọdún mẹ́rìn-dín-lógún.


This was called the high school movement, and it was a radically expensive thing to do.


Èyí ni wọ́n pè ní ìtẹ̀síwájú ilé-ẹ̀kọ́ gíga, ó sì jẹ́ nkan tó wọ́n láti ṣe.


Not only did they have to invest in the schools, but those kids couldn't work at their jobs.


Kìí ṣe pé wọ́n ní láti dókòwò nínú àwọn ilé-ẹ̀kọ́ nìkan, ṣùgbọ́n àwọn ọmọ wọ̀nyẹn ò lè ṣe iṣẹ́ wọn.


It also turned out to be one of the best investments the US made in the 20th century.


"Ó padà di ọ̀kan nínú àwọn ìdókòwò t""ó dára jù tí orílẹ̀-ède US ti ṣe ní ọ̀rún ọdún ogún."


It gave us the most skilled, the most flexible and the most productive workforce in the world.


Ó fún wa ní ìmọ̀ọ́ṣe tó pọ̀ jù, àwọn òṣìṣẹ́ tí wọ́n lè yípadà jù tí wọ́n sì ń ṣiṣẹ́ jù lágbàáyé.


To see how well this worked, imagine taking the labor force of 1899 and bringing them into the present.


Láti lè rí bí èyí ṣe ṣiṣẹ́ sí, ẹ wòye mímú àwọn òṣìṣẹ́ odún 1899 ká mú wọn wá sí àsìkò lọ́wọ́lọ́wọ́ yìí.


Despite their strong backs and good characters, many of them would lack the basic literacy and numeracy skills to do all but the most mundane jobs.


Pẹ̀lú ẹ̀yìn líle àti ìwà rere wọn, ọ̀pọ̀lọpọ̀ wọn ò ní ìmọ̀ ìpìlẹ̀ àti ìmọ̀ọ́ṣe ònkà láti ṣe gbogbo rẹ̀ ṣùgbọ́n àwọn iṣẹ́ tí ò múnú ẹni dùn.


Many of them would be unemployable.


Ọ̀pọ̀ nínú wọn ni ò ní ṣe é gbà síṣẹ́.


What this example highlights is the primacy of our institutions, most especially our schools, in allowing us to reap the harvest of our technological prosperity.


Nǹkan tí àpẹẹrẹ yìí tọ́ka sí ni pàtàkì àwọn ilé-iṣẹ́ wa, pàápàá jùlọ àwọn ilé-ẹ̀kọ wa, láti gbàwá láyè láti kórè ìlọsíwájú ìmọ̀-ẹ̀rọ wa.


It's foolish to say there's nothing to worry about.


Ìwà òpònú ni láti sọ wí pé kò sí nǹkankan láti bẹ̀rù.


Clearly we can get this wrong.


Ó hàn gbangba pé a lè ṣi eléyí.


If the US had not invested in its schools and in its skills a century ago with the high school movement, we would be a less prosperous, a less mobile and probably a lot less happy society.


Bí orílẹ̀-ède US bá ti dókòwò nínú àwọn ilé-ẹ̀kọ rẹ̀ àti ìmọ̀ọ́ṣe rẹ̀ láti bíi ọ̀rún ọdún sẹ́yìn pẹ̀lú ìtẹ̀síwájú ilé-ẹ̀kọ́ gíga ni, a ó ní lámìlaka púpọ̀, a ò ní sún káàkiri púpọ̀ àti bóyá àwùjọ tí ò ní ìdùnnú púpọ̀.


But it's equally foolish to say that our fates are sealed.


Ṣùgbọ́n ìwà òpònú tún ni bákan náà láti sọ wí pé wọ́n ti parí kádára wa.


That's not decided by the machines.


Kì í ṣe àwọn ẹ̀ro ni yóò ṣe ìyẹn.


It's not even decided by the market.


Kì í ṣe ọjà gan-an ni yóò ṣe é.


It's decided by us and by our institutions.


Àwa àti àwọn ilé-iṣẹ́ wa la máa ṣe ìyẹn.


Now, I started this talk with a paradox.


Ní báyìí, mo bẹ̀rẹ̀ atótónu yìí pẹ̀lú ajọ̀ró-ṣòótọ́.


Àwọn ẹ̀rọ wa ń ṣe iṣẹ́ wa fún wa lọ́pọ̀lọpọ̀.


Why doesn't that make our labor superfluous, our skills redundant?