Nínú ọ̀rọ̀ wọn ní FIFA, àwọn akọbúlọ́ọ̀gù náà sọ wípé ìkẹ́gbẹ́ẹ wọn nínú Ohùn Àgbáyé ṣe gudugudu méje yàyà mẹ́fà ní àsìkò tí àwọn ń fi aṣọ pénpé ro oko ọba.


"In their panel session, they credited Global Voices"" campaign for keeping them alive."


Ní ètò ìtàkùrọ̀sọ wọn, wọ́n gbé orí yìn fún ìpolongo Ohùn Àgbáyé tí ó ṣe iṣẹ́ ribiribi tí ó mú àwọn wà láyé.


Berhan Taye, the panel moderator, asked the group to recount their prison experiences.


Berhan Taye, atọ́kùn ìtàkùrọ̀sọ, bi ẹgbẹ́ yìí ní ìbéèrè ìrírí wọn ní inú túbú.


As they spoke, the lights on the stage dimmed.


Bí wọ́n ti ṣe sọ, iná amọ́roro ìtàgé wálẹ̀ díẹ̀.


Their voices filled the room with a quiet power.


Ohùn-un wọn mú kí iyàrá ètò pa lọ́lọ́.


"Abel Wabella, who ran Global Voices"" Amharic site, lost hearing in one ear due to the torture he endured after refusing to sign a false confession."


"Abel Wabella, alákòóso Ohùn Àgbáyé ní "" Èdè Amharic , kò fi etí ẹ̀gbẹ́ẹ rẹ̀ kan gbọ́ràn já geere mọ́n láti ara ìjìyà oró tí ó jẹ́ nítorí pé ó kọ̀ láti ti ọwọ́ bọ ìwé ìjẹ́wọ́."


Atnaf Berhane recalled that one of his torture sessions lasted until 2 a.m. and then continued after he had a few hours of sleep.


Atnaf Berhane rántí wípé òún jẹ ìyà oró di aago méjì òru tí òún padà sí lẹ́yìn oorun díẹ̀.


One of the security agents who arrested Zelalem Kibret had once been Kibret's student at the university where he taught.


Ọ̀kan lára àwọn agbófinró tí ó mú Zelalem Kibret ti fi ìgbà kan rí jẹ́ akẹ́kọ̀ọ́ Kibret ní Ifásitì tí ó ti ń ṣe iṣẹ́ olùkọ́.


Jomanex Kasaye recounted the mental agony of leaving Ethiopia before his friends were arrested - the anguish of powerlessness - the unending suspense and fear that his friends would not make it out alive.


Jomanex Kasaye náà ṣe ìrántí ìwàyáìjà ọpọlọ tí ó ní í ṣe pẹ̀lú ìrònú ìfìlú Ethiopia sílẹ̀ kí wọ́n ó tó fi ọwọ́ òfin mú àwọn ọ̀rẹ́ẹ rẹ̀ - ìrora àìlágbára - ìlàkàkà ọkàn àti àìfẹ̀dọ̀lórí òróòró àti ìbẹ̀rù wípé àwọn ọ̀rẹ́ òhun ò ní jáde láàyè.


Zone9 bloggers together in Addis Ababa, 2012. From left: Endalk, Soleyana, Natnael, Abel, Befeqadu, Mahlet, Zelalem, Atnaf, Jomanex.


Àpapọ̀ Akọbúlọ́ọ̀gù Zone9 ní Addis Ababa, ní ọdún 2012. Láti ọwọ́ ọ̀tún: Endalk, Soleyana, Natnael, Abel, Befeqadu, Mahlet, Zelalem, Atnaf, Jomanex.


Photo courtesy of Endalk Chala.


Endalk Chala ni ó ni àwòrán.


With modesty, the Zone9 bloggers said:


Pẹ̀lú ìrẹ̀lẹ̀, àwọn akọbúlọ́ọ̀gù Zone9 sọ wípé:


We are not strong or courageous people... we are only glad we inspired others.


A kò kí ń ṣe ẹni tí ó ní okun tàbí ìgboyà... inúu wa dùn nítorí wípé a fún àwọn ènìyàn mìíràn ní ìmísí ni.


Yet, the Zone9 bloggers redefined patriotism with both their words and actions.


Síbẹ̀, akọbúlọ́ọ̀gù Zone9 ṣe àtúnlò ìfẹ́-ìlú-ẹni nínú ọ̀rọ̀ àti ìṣe.


It takes immense courage to love one's country even after suffering at its hands for speaking out.


Ó gba ìgboyà láti fẹ́ràn ìlú ẹni pàápàá lẹ́yìn ìjìyà nítorí wípé a sọ̀rọ̀ síta.


Ugandan journalist Charles Onyango-Obbo, also in attendance at FIFA, shared an Igbo proverb popularised by Nigerian writer Chinua Achebe which says:


Oníròyìn ọmọ Uganda Charles Onyango-Obbo, tí òun náà wà ní FIFA, mẹ́nu ba òwe Igbo tí gbajúgbajà òǹkọ̀wée nì Chinua Achebe mú di mímọ́ tí ó sọ wípé:


Since the hunter has learned to shoot without missing, Eneke the bird has also learnt to fly without perching.


Níwọ̀n ìgbà tí òde ti já ọgbọ́n àtamátàsè, ẹyẹ Eneke náà ti kọ́ fífò láì bà.


In essence, he meant that in order to keep digital spaces free and safe, those involved in this struggle must devise new methods.


Ní àkótán, ohun tí ó fẹ́ sọ ní wípé láti mú ayélujára wà ní ipò ọ̀fẹ́ àti ààbò, àwọn tí ó ń jà fún èyí nílò láti wá ọgbọ́n mìíràn dá.


Activists on the front lines of free speech in sub-Saharan Africa and across the globe cannot afford to work in silos or go silent in frustration and defeat.


Àwọn ajàfúnẹ̀tọ́ tí ó ń lé iwájú nínú òmìnira ọ̀rọ̀ sísọ ní ìlú-Gúúsù-Aṣálẹ̀-Sàhárà àti káríayé kò gbọdọ̀ ṣe aláì máà wá wọ̀rọ̀kọ̀ fi ṣ'àdá lórí ọ̀ràn yìí.


With our strength and unity, online spaces will remain free to deepen democracy through vibrant dissent.


Pẹ̀lú agbára àti àjọṣe wa, ẹ̀rọ-ayélujára yóò di ibi òmìnira fún ìtẹ̀síwájú ìjọba àwa-arawa.


The untold tragedy of 28 Mauritanian soldiers executed on Independence Day


Ìjàm̀bá Àwọn Ológun Mauritania 28 tí wọ́n pa ní ọjọ́ Òmìnira tí a kò sọ


Screenshot of the 28 soldiers executed on Independence day - Video posted by Ibrahima Sow.


Àwòrán àwọn Ológun 28 tí wọ́n pa lọ́jọ́ òmìnira - Ibrahima Sow ni ó ṣe àtẹ̀jáde fídíò.


On November 28, 1990, 28 men in Inal, Mauritania, were hanged by fellow soldiers in a prison the middle of the night, meticulously selected one by one to be killed, after being accused of plotting a coup against the government.


Ní ọjọ́ kejìdínlọ́gbọ̀n oṣù Belu ọdún 1990, àwọn ẹgbẹ́ ológun yẹgi fún ọkùnrin méjìdínlọ́gbọ̀n tí a fi ìfarabalẹ̀ ṣà lọ́kọ̀ọ̀kan láti pa nínú ẹ̀wọ̀n láàárín òru, ní Inal ní orílẹ̀-èdè Mauritania lẹ́yìn tí a fi ẹ̀sùn ìpète-lati-gba-ìjọba kàn wọ́n.


The date, which also marks Mauritania's independence from France in 1960, continues to haunt some Mauritanians who seek justice for the brutal killings of these 28 men, all of whom were black.


Ọjọ́ yìí, tún jẹ́ àyájọ́ ọjọ́ tí orílẹ̀-èdè Mauritania gba òmìnira lọ́wọ́ France ní ọdún 1960, lé góńgó sọ́kàn àwọn ọmọ orílẹ̀-èdè Mauritania kan tí wọ́n ń wá ìdájọ́ òdodo fún ìpakúpa tí wọ́n pa àwọn ọkùnrin 28 yìí, tí gbogbo wọn sì jẹ́ aláwọ̀ dúdú.


The West African nation of Mauritania is a mix of Arab-Berber and black Africans and human rights groups say black Africans have long suffered discrimination and exploitation.


Orílẹ̀-èdè Mauritania ti Ìwọ̀-oòrùn Ilẹ̀-Adúláwọ̀ jẹ́ ìdàpọ̀ àwọn Lárúbáwá àti àwọn aláwọ̀ dúdú, àwọn ẹgbẹ́ ajàfẹ́tọ̀ọ́ ọmọnìyàn sọ pé àwọn aláwọ̀ dúdú ti ń dojúkọ ìyàsọ́tọ̀ àti ìlòkulò fún ìgbà pípẹ́.


The president of the Inal-France Committee, Youba Dianka, explains:


Ààrẹ Ìgbìmọ̀ àwọn Inal-France, Youba Dianka, ṣàlàyé:


"I want to make it clear that Inal is just an example; there were many ""Inals"" in Mauritania."


"Mo fẹ́ fi hàn wípé àpẹẹrẹ ni Inal jẹ́; ọ̀pọ̀ ọmọ ""Inal"" ni ó ti wà ní Mauritania."


Horrific events happened in Azlatt, Sory Malé, Wothie, Walata, Jreida and in the valley.


Àwọn ìṣẹ̀lẹ̀ abanilẹ́rù ti wáyé ní Azlatt, Sony Malé, Wothie, Walata, Jreida àti nínú àfonífojì.


Inside the military compound in Inal and its surroundings, soldiers were quartered, buried alive, shot, and hung in celebration of the country's independence in 1990.


Nínú ọgbà àwọn ológun ní Inal àti àgbègbè rẹ̀, wọ́n pín àwọn ológun yẹ́lẹyẹ̀lẹ, wọ́n rì wọ́n mọ́lẹ̀ ní òòyẹ̀, wọ́n yìnbọn lù wọ́n, wọ́n sì yẹgi fún wọn ní ìrántí òmìnira orílẹ̀-èdè náà lọ́dún 1990.


"On Independence Day this year, Mauritanians paid more attention to the nomination of their national football team to the Africa Cup of Nations (CAF) finals than they did to the forgotten ""soldiers [who] lay in solitude in anonymous pits ..."


Ní àyájọ́ ọjọ́ òmìnira ti ọdún yìí, àwọn ọmọ orílẹ̀-èdè Mauritania fi ọkàn sí yíyàn tí a yan ẹgbẹ́ agbábọ́ọ̀lù orílẹ̀-èdè wọn sí àṣekágbá ìdíje Ife-ẹ̀yẹ ti àwọn orílẹ̀-èdè Ilẹ̀-Adúláwọ̀ (CAF) ju bí wọ́n ṣe ṣe sí àwọn ẹni ìgbàgbé, àwọn ológun tí wọ́n wà nínú kòtò àìmọ̀ ...


"still waiting for a decent burial,"" writes Kaaw Elimane Bilbassi Touré, news editor of the Mauritanian news site Le Flambeau."


tí wọ́n ṣì ń dúró de ìsìnkú tí ó yẹni, Kaaw Elimane Bilbassi Toure tí í ṣe olóòtú ibùdó ìròyìn orí ayélujára Le Flambeau ti Mauritania kọ.


"Kiné-Fatim Diop, campaign director for Western Africa at Amnesty International, remarked this year on the contradictions between what should be a celebratory day and what most victims"" families actually feel:"


Kiné-Fatim Diop, adarí ìpolongo Amnesty International ní Ìwọ̀-oòrùn Ilẹ̀-Adúláwọ̀, sọ̀rọ̀ ní ọdún yìí nípa ìtakora tí ó wà ní àárín ohun tí ó yẹ kí ó jẹ́ ọjọ́ ìṣèrántí-dunnú àti ohun tí ọ̀pọ̀lọpọ̀ ẹbí àwọn olùfarapa ń rò:


"Each year, while the officials celebrate the ascension to sovereignty with joy, the victims"" families cry and protest in sadness for justice and reparations."


Lọ́dọọdún, bí àwọn tí wọ́n dipò mú ṣe ń ṣe ìrántí ìgùnkè wọn sí ipò gíga pẹ̀lú ìdùnnú, ẹbí àwọn olùfarapa máa ń sunkún, tí wọ́n sì máa ń fi ẹhónú hàn pẹ̀lú ìbànújẹ́ fún àtúnṣe àti ìdájọ́ òdodo.


"The authorities are only trying to bury this hideous side of independence, just like when they secretly voted an amnesty law in 1993 affirming the state's amnesia concerning the soldiers"" killings 30 years ago."


Àwọn tí ó wà nípò àṣẹ kàn ń gbìyànjú láti ri apá òmìnira tí kò farahàn yìí mọ́lẹ̀, gẹ́gẹ́ bí wọ́n ṣe dìbò yan òfin ìdáríjì ìjọba ní ìkọ̀kọ̀ lọ́dún 1993 tí wọ́n sì fìdí ìgbàgbé ìjọba múlẹ̀ nípa ìpakúpa àwọn ológun náà lọ́gbọ̀n ọdún sẹ́yìn.


The Forum Against Impunity and Injustice in Mauritania expressed sorrow over the tragedy of two brothers in particular who were hanged on that tragic night:


Àjọ tí ó ń tako àìjìyà ẹlẹ́ṣẹ̀ àti àìṣòdodo ní orílẹ̀-èdè Mauritania Forum Against Impunity and Injustice fi ìbànújẹ́ hàn lórí ìjàm̀bá àwọn tẹ̀gbọ́n-tàbúrò kan tí a yẹgi fún lálẹ́ ọjọ́ burúkú Èṣù gb'omi mu yìí:


Absolutely, a curse fell on the 28 soldiers that night. Like the two brothers, Diallo Oumar Demba and his brother Diallo Ibrahima, who were hanged wearing consecutive numbers written on them with a pen.


Láìsí àní-àní, èpè ja àwọn ológun 28 yẹn lóru ọjọ́ náà. Bí i ti àwọn tẹ̀gbọ́n-tàbúrò, Diallo Oumar Demba àti àbúròo rẹ̀ Diallo Ibrahima tí a yẹgi fún pẹ̀lú àkọsílẹ̀ nọ́ḿbà tí ó tẹ̀lé ara wọn tí a fi gègé kọ sí wọn lára.


What makes this sadder is having to witness your older brother's death.


Ohun tí ó mú èyí bani nínú jẹ́ jù ni fún ẹni láti rí ikú tí ó pa ẹ̀gbọ́n ẹni.


The executioners did their work with accuracy, and were actually not stopping at the hanging part, but also dragging the dead and sitting on their corpses.


Àwọn apani ṣe iṣẹ́ wọn pé, wọn kò sì dáwọ́ dúró lẹ́yìn tí wọ́n yẹgi fún wọn, wọ́n tún wọ́ òkúu wọn nílẹ̀ bẹ́ẹ̀ náà ni wọ́n sì ń jókòó lé wọn lórí.


Survivors speak out


Àwọn Ẹni-orí-kó-yọ sọ̀rọ̀ síta


Testimonies from survivors continue to pour in after 30 years.


Ẹ̀rí túbọ̀ ń tẹnu àwọn ẹni-orí-kó-yọ jáde lẹ́yìn ọgbọ̀n ọdún.


Mamadou Sy was a squadron commander in the Mauritanian army, then a deputy commander and finally a base commander before he was arrested that night.


Mamadou Sy jẹ́ apàṣẹ ẹgbẹ́-ológun nínú ẹgbẹ́ ológun Mauritania, ó ti jẹ́ igbákejì apàṣẹ, kí ó tó wá di apàṣẹ ẹgbẹ́ ológun ẹ̀ka kan kí wọ́n tó mú un ní alẹ́ ọjọ́ yẹn.


"In his book ""Hell in Inal,"" published in 2000, he describes the torture he suffered, when military commanders blindfolded him, tied him up, and threw him in dirty, stinking water."


"Nínú ìwée rẹ̀, ""Ọ̀run-àpáàdì ní Inal,"" tí a tẹ̀ jáde ní ọdún 2000, ó ṣàpèjúwe ìjìyà-oró tí ó jẹ, nígbà tí àwọn apàṣẹ ológun dì í lójú, so ó mọ́lẹ̀, tí wọ́n sì jù ú sínú omi ìdọ̀tí rírùn."


Another soldier who survived that dreadful night managed to go to France for treatment after his time in prison with the help of the Christian Association Against Torture (ACAT in French).


Ológun mìíràn tí orí kó yọ lálẹ́ ọjọ́ burúkú yìí tiraka gba France lọ fún ìtọ́jú lẹ́yìn tí ó kúrò ní ọgbà ẹ̀wọ̀n pẹ̀lú ìrànwọ́ àwọn Àjọ Onígbàgbọ́ tí ó ń tako Ìfìyàjẹni (ACAT lédè Faransé).


He testifies on the condition of anonymity on the racism he experienced in his 24 years of military service:


Ní ipò àìlórúkọ, ó jẹ́rìí sí ìyàsọ́tọ̀ ẹ̀yà tí ó rí láàárín ọdún mẹ́rìnlélógún tí ó fi ṣiṣẹ́ ológun:


As far as I can remember, since I have started to understand, I have always noticed that black people never had any rights, and that the white Mauritanians were privileged.


Gẹ́gẹ́ bí mo ṣe rántí, nígbà tí ó bẹ̀rẹ̀ sí í yé mi, mo ti máa ń ṣàkíyèsí pé àwọn aláwọ̀ dúdú kì í ní ẹ̀tọ́ kankan, ṣùgbọ́n àwọn aláwọ̀ funfun ará Mauritania máa ń ní àǹfààní tí ó pọ̀.


Here, out of twenty ministers in the government, only a quarter are black and in the army, there is only one black person out of ten officers.


Níbí, nínú ogún àwọn adarí ipò ìjọba, ìdá mẹ́rin péré ni wọ́n jẹ́ aláwọ̀ dúdú. Nínú ẹgbẹ́ ológun, aláwọ̀ dúdú kan ṣoṣo ni ó máa ń wà láàárín ológun mẹ́wàá.


During an internship, if a white Mauritanian wouldn't perform well, they would still win over any other black person. And don't even dare protesting ...


Nígbà ìkọ́ṣẹ́, bí ọmọ Mauritania aláwọ̀ funfun kan kò bá ṣe dáadáa, wọn á ṣì borí aláwọ̀ dúdú mìíràn. A ò sì gbọdọ̀ fi ẹhónú hàn...


He describes the methods of torture he and other soldiers experienced:


Ó ṣe àpèjúwe àwọn ìfìyàorójẹni tí òun pẹ̀lú àwọn ológun mìíràn rí:


For example, they dug holes in the sand, buried us up to the neck, with the head fixed, our naked face turned toward the sun.


Fún àpẹẹrẹ, wọ́n gbẹ́ kòtò sínú iyẹ̀pẹ̀, wọ́n sì rì wá mọ́lẹ̀ dé ibi ọrùn, orí wa ò ṣe é yí, ojú wa sì wà ní ìhà oòrùn.


If we ever tried to close our eyes, the guards would throw sand. And then put the blindfolds back on.


Tí a bá sì gbìyànjú láti pa ojú dé, àwọn ẹ̀ṣọ́ á da iyẹ̀pẹ̀ sí wa. Wọ́n á sì wọ ìbòjú padà.


Maimouna Alpha Sy, general secretary of the Widow and Humanitarian Issues Association, was once married to Ba Baïdy Alassane, a former customs controller.


Maimouna Alpha Sy, akọ̀wé gbogboògbò fún Ẹgbẹ́ Ọ̀ràn Opó àti Aṣàánù ọmọ-ènìyàn, ti fi ìgbà kan rí jẹ́ aya Ba Baïdy Alassane, tí ó jẹ́ adarí àwọn ẹ̀ṣọ́ ibodè tẹ́lẹ̀.


Alpha Sy says her late husband was among the victims killed in 1990.


Alpha Sy sọ pé ọkọ rẹ̀ tí ó ti di olóògbé wà lára àwọn tí wọ́n pa lọ́dún 1990.


We spent three months and ten days looking for my husband, but in vain ...


Oṣù mẹ́ta àti ọjọ́ mẹ́wàá ni a fi wá ọkọ mi, ṣùgbọ́n pàbó ni ó já sí ...


Customs told us he died from a cardiac arrest, which is not true.


Àwọn ẹ̀ṣọ́-ibodè sọ fún wa pé àìsàn ọkàn ló pa á, tí èyí kò sì jẹ́ òtítọ́.


Witnesses were arrested, tied and tortured with him.


Wọ́n mú àwọn tó jẹ́rìí pẹ̀lú rẹ̀, wọ́n so wọ́n, wọ́n sì fi ìyà oró jẹ wọ́n pẹ̀lú rẹ̀.


He was killed in front of them.


Ní iwájú wọn ni wọ́n ti pa á.


"""Never again"""


"""Kò tún gbọdọ̀ ṣẹlẹ̀ mọ́"""


This year on November 28, Mauritanian immigrants protested in front of the Mauritanian embassy in Paris, France, against the state's disregard for this tragic episode.


Lọ́dún yìí ni ọjọ́ kejìdínlọ́gbọ̀n, àwọn ọmọ Mauritania tí wọ́n jẹ́ aṣíkiri fi ẹ̀hónú hàn níwájú Ẹ́mbásì Mauritania ní ìlú Paris, ní orílẹ̀-èdè France, lórí àìfiyèsí ìjọba nípa ìṣẹ̀lẹ̀ oró yìí.


"Kardiata Malick Diallo, a deputy, gave a remarkable speech at the Mauritanian parliament to prevent people from forgetting, accusing the current prime minister of protecting the perpetrators, who still hold high offices in the state while victims rights"" have not been properly addressed:"


Kardiata Malick Diallo, tí ó jẹ́ igbákejì, sọ ọrọ àròjinlẹ̀ ní ilé Ìgbìmọ̀ aṣòfin Mauritania láti máà jẹ́ kí àwọn ènìyàn gbàgbé, tí ó sì fi ẹ̀sùn kàn ààrẹ tí ó wà lórí oyè pé ó ń dáàbò bo àwọn oníṣẹ́-ibi náà, tí wọ́n ṣì ń dipò gíga mú nínú ìjọba nígbà tí wọn kò tí ì wá nǹkan ṣe sí ẹ̀tọ́ àwọn olùfarapa:


"Even if you are not directly responsible for the action that definitely stained every November 28, you still however were responsible for finding an adequate solution for the victims"" rights to the truth and justice ..."


Bí ó tilẹ̀ jẹ́ pé ìwọ kọ́ ni o ṣe iṣẹ́-ibi tí ó kó àbààwọ́n ba gbogbo ọjọ́ 28 oṣù Belu jẹ́, ìwọ ni ó yẹ kí o wá ojútùú sí ẹ̀tọ́ àwọn olùfarapa sí òtítọ́ àti òdodo...


"Great nations and great people never try to erase a dark episode out of their history but instead they show it to the world for everyone to remember and say ""NEVER AGAIN."""


"Àwọn orílẹ̀-èdè olókìkí àti àwọn èèyàn ńlá kì í gbìyànjú láti pa ìṣẹ̀lẹ̀ aburú inú ìtàn-an wọn rẹ́, dípò èyí wọ́n máa ń fi han ayé kí gbogbo ènìyàn lè rántí kí wọ́n sì sọ pé ""KÒ TÚN GBỌDỌ̀ ṢẸLẸ̀ MỌ́ ."""


Mister prime minister, your power has preferred policies of marginalization and exclusion.


Ọ̀gbẹ́ni ààrẹ, àkósoò rẹ ti ṣe àmúlò òfin ìyàsọ́tọ̀ àti ìyọkúrò ẹ̀yà.


As of October 2018, out of 24 ministerial functions, only five are occupied by black or mixed people, who represent up to 70 percent of society.


Ní oṣù Ọ̀wàrà ọdún 2018, nínú àwọn adarí ipò ìjọba 24, márùn-ún péré ni àwọn tí ó jẹ́ aláwọ̀ dúdú àti elẹ́yà-méjì, tí wọ́n ń ṣojú ìdá 70 àwọn mẹ̀kúnù.


The majority of the population are still under-represented among the elected representatives, members of the security forces, officials and local administrators.


Ọ̀pọ̀ àwọn mẹ̀kúnù ni wọ́n kò ní aṣojú láàárín àwọn aṣojú tí wọ́n dìbò yàn, láàárín àwọn ẹgbẹ́ àbò àti àwọn adarí ipò ìjọba ìbílẹ̀.


Mauritania is the last country in the world to officially abolish slavery in 1981 but it wasn't enforced until 2007 and an estimated 20 percent still live in some form of enslaved servitude, most of whom are black or mixed.


Mauritania ni orílẹ̀-èdè tí ó gbẹ́yìn láti pa òwò-ẹrú rẹ ní àgbáyé ní ọdún 1981, ṣùgbọ́n wọn kò fi ìdíi rẹ̀ múlẹ̀ títí di ọdún 2007, ìdá 20 àwọn ènìyàn ni wọ́n ṣì ń gbáyé ìṣẹrúsìn tí púpọ̀ nínú wọn sì jẹ́ aláwọ̀ dúdú tàbí elẹ́yà-méjì.


Because this historic racism persists in present-day Mauritania, justice for the survivors and their families remains out of reach.


Nítorí ìyàsọ́tọ̀ ẹ̀yà yìí ṣì ń ṣẹlẹ̀ ní orílẹ̀-èdè Mauritania, ìdájọ́ òdodo kò sí ní àrọ́wọ́tó fún àwọn ẹni orí-kó-yọ àti àwọn ìdílé wọn.


100 days for Alaa: Family of Egyptian activist counts the days until his release from prison


100 ọjọ́ fún Alaa: Ẹbí ajàfúnẹ̀tọ́ ọmọ Íjípìtì ń ka ọjọ́ fún ìdásílẹ̀ẹ rẹ̀ nínú ẹ̀wọ̀n


Alaa Abd El Fattah, photo by Nariman El-Mofty.


Alaa Abd El Fattah, àwòrán láti ọwọ́ Nariman El-Mofty.


After spending five years in prison, the Egyptian blogger and activist Alaa Abd El Fattah is scheduled to be released from prison on March 17, 2019.


Lẹ́yìn tí ó ti lo ọdún 5 nínú ẹ̀wọ̀n, akọbúlọ́ọ̀gù ọmọ Íjípìtì àti ajàfúnẹ̀tọ́ Alaa Abd El Fattah yóò gba ìdásílẹ̀ nínú ẹ̀wọ̀n ní ọjọ́ 7, oṣù Ẹrẹ́nà, ọdún 2019.


"On December 8, his family launched a campaign - ""100 days for Alaa"" - to ensure his prison term ends on time."


"Ní ọjọ́ 8 oṣù Ọ̀pẹ, ẹbíi rẹ̀ ti ṣe àgbékalẹ̀ ìpolongo -""100 ọjọ́ fún Alaa"" - kí àtìmọ́lée rẹ̀ ó ba wá s'ópin ní mọnawáà."


The March release date does not mark the end of Alaa's time served, but rather a transition to the final phase of his sentence.


Ìdásílẹ̀ẹ rẹ̀ nínú oṣù Ẹrẹ́nà kì í ṣe ìsààmì òpin ìgbà Alaa ní ẹ̀wọ̀n, ṣùgbọ́n ìṣíkúrò sí ipò tí ó jẹ́ àṣekágbá àtìmọ́lée rẹ̀.


After his release, Alaa will be made to spend every night in his local police station for an additional five years.


Lẹ́yìn ìdásílẹ̀ẹ rẹ̀, Alaa yóò máa wá sun oorun alẹ́ ní àgọ́ ọlọ́pàá ìbílẹ̀ẹ rẹ̀ fún àfikún ọdún márùn-ún gbáko.


He will be under police surveillance throughout this period.


Abẹ́ ìṣọ́ ọlọ́pàá ni yóò wà fún àkókò yìí.


Alaa was arrested and taken from his family's home in November 2013.


A fi ọwọ́ọ ṣìgún òfin mú Alaa a sì mú u kúrò ní ilé ẹbíi rẹ̀ nínú oṣù Belu ọdún 2013.


"More than one year later, in February 2015, he was finally tried and sentenced to five years in prison for ""organising"" a protest under a 2013 protest law that prohibits unauthorised demonstrations."


"Ọdún kan kọjá, nínú oṣù Èrèlé ọdún 2015, a gbé e re ilé ẹjọ́ a sì rán an ní ẹ̀wọ̀n ọdún márùn-ún fún ""àgbékalẹ̀ "" ìyíde kiri ìfẹ̀hànnúhàn lábẹ́ òfin ìyíde kiri ìfẹ̀hànnúhàn ọdún 2013 tí kò fi àyè gba ìyíde láìgbàṣẹ."


While he did take part in a protest against military trials for civilians on 26 November 2013, Alaa had no role in organising it.


Ní tòótọ́ ni ó kópa nínú ìyíde kiri tí ó ń tako ẹjọ́ tí àwọn ológun dá mẹ́kúnnú ní ọjọ́ 26 oṣù Belu ọdún 2013, Alaa kò kó ipa nínú àgbékalẹ̀ẹ rẹ̀.


His sentence was confirmed by Egypt's Court of Cassation in November 2017.


Ilé ẹjọ́ Cassation ti Íjípìtì fi ẹsẹ ẹ̀wọ̀n-ọn rẹ̀ múlẹ̀ nínú oṣù Belu ọdún 2017.


Omar Robert Hamilton, a cousin of Alaa, outlined the goals of the campaign on Twitter:


Omar Robert Hamilton, olùkùu Alaa, to àwọn ète ìpolongo náà lẹ́sẹẹsẹ lóríi Twitter:


To re-focus local and international attention on his case to ensure that Alaa is actually released on March 17th.


Láti mú kí àwọn ọmọ ìbílẹ̀ àti ọmọ àgbáyé ó fi ọkàn sí ìdájọ́ àti fún ìdásílẹ̀ẹ Alaa ní ọjọ́ 17 oṣù Ẹrẹ́nà.


"To enter the concept of المراقبة (""surveillance"" or ""parole"") into the public consciousness."


"Láti gbé ìrò المراقبة (""ìṣọ́nikiri"" tàbí ""ìdásílẹ̀-lẹ́wọ̀n-kọ́jọ́-ìdásílẹ̀-tó-pé"") sínú làákàyè àwọn ènìyàn gbogbo."


"After release, Alaa is still sentenced to spend every night in his local police station for ""five years."""


"Lẹ́yìn ìdásílẹ̀, Alaa ṣì tún ní láti sun ọrùn alẹ́ nínú àgọ́ ọlọ́pàá ìbílẹ̀ẹ rẹ̀ fún ""ọdún márùn-ún."""


We need to lay the groundwork for pressure against this.


A ní láti ṣe iṣẹ́ ìpìlẹ̀ fún ìtako èyí.


Alaa has been jailed or investigated under every Egyptian head of state who has served during his lifetime.


Gbogbo olórí orílẹ̀-èdè Íjípìtì ni ó ti ṣe ìwádìí tàbí rán Alaa ní ẹ̀wọ̀n ní ojú ayée rẹ̀.


In 2006, he was arrested for taking part in a peaceful protest.


Ní ọdún 2006, a fi ọwọ́ọ ṣìgún òfin mú u fún ipa tí ó kó nínú ìyíde kiri ìfẹ̀hànnúhàn tí kò fa ìdíwọ́ fún ẹnikẹ́ni.


In 2011, he spent two months in prison, missing the birth of his first child, Khaled.


Ní ọdún 2011, ó lo oṣù méjì ní ẹ̀wọ̀n, àkókò yìí ni ìyàwóo rẹ̀ bí àkọ́bíi rẹ̀, Khaled.


In 2013, he was arrested and detained for 115 days without trial.


Ní ọdún 2013, a mú u a sì fi sínú àhámọ́ fún ọjọ́ 115 láì ṣe ìgbẹ́jọ́.


Alaa has long worked on technology and political activism projects with his wife, Manal Hassan.


Ó ti pẹ́ tí Alaa ti ń ṣiṣẹ́ lóríi ìjìnlẹ̀ ìmọ̀-ẹ̀rọ àti òṣèlú pẹ̀lú ìyàwóo rẹ̀, Manal Hassan.


He comes from a family of prominent human rights advocates, including human rights lawyer Ahmed Seif El Islam, Alaa's father, who was jailed multiple times under the regime of Hosni Mubarak.


Ìdílé gbajúgbajà ajàfúnẹ̀tọ́ ọmọnìyàn ni ó ti wà, adájọ́ ajàfúnẹ̀tọ́ ọmọnìyàn Ahmed Seif El Islam, ni bàbáa Alaa, ẹni tí a ti rán lọ ní ẹ̀wọ̀n láì mọye ìgbà ní abẹ́ àṣẹ Hosni Mubarak.


Abd El Fattah's sisters, Mona and Sanaa Seif, are also human rights defenders who have long campaigned against the military trials of civilians in the country.


Ẹ̀gbọ́n-bìrin méjèèjì Abd El Fattah, Mona àti Sanaa Seif, jẹ́ agbèjà ẹ̀tọ́ ọmọnìyàn bákan náà tí wọ́n sì ti ṣe ìpolongo alátakò ìjìyà mẹ́kúnnú lọ́wọ́ọ àwọn ológun ní ìlú náà.


In 2016, Sanaa served a six-month jail sentence for insulting a public official.


Ní ọdún 2016, Sanaa lo oṣù mẹ́fà ní ẹ̀wọ̀n nítorí wípé ó sọ̀rọ̀ àfojúdi sí alás̩e̩ ìjọba.


Alaa's ordeal is similar to many other Egyptians who are behind bars because of their activism.


Àdánwòo Alaa jọ ti ọ̀pọ̀lọpọ̀ ọmọ orílẹ̀-èdè Íjípìtì tí ó wà ní ẹ̀yin gádà nítorí akitiyan wọn nípa ẹ̀tọ́ ọmọnìyàn.


There are as many as 60,000 political prisoners in Egypt, human rights groups say.


Ẹgbẹ́ ajàfúnẹ̀tọ́ ọmọnìyàn sọ wípé, àwọn tí ìjọba rán ní ẹ̀wọ̀n ní Íjípìtì á tó 60,000.


Those arrested on politically-motivated charges in Egypt are often subjected to enforced disappearances, torture, prolonged pre-trial detention and solitary confinement.


Gbogbo ẹni tí ìjọba bá fi ọwọ́ọ ṣìgún òfin mú ní Íjípìtì ní í jẹ ìyà oró, ìfarasin, àtìmọ́lé ọjọ́ pípẹ́ àti àdánìkangbé inúu túbú.


Joining the #FreeAlaa campaign


Dídarapọ̀ mọ́n ìpolongo #FreeAlaa


"In a letter to the attendees of RightsCon, a digital rights conference held in Toronto in May 2018, Alaa urged supporters to ""fix [their] own democracies."""


"Ní inú ìwé tí a kọ sí àwọn àlejò tí ó wá sí RightsCon, àpérò tó dá lórí ẹ̀tọ́ irinṣẹ́ ẹ̀rọ-ayárabíaṣá tí ó wáyé ní Toronto nínú oṣù Èbìbì ọdún 2018, Alaa rọ àwọn alátìlẹ́yìn láti ""ṣe àtúnṣe sí ìjọba àwa-arawa ti wọn."""


"This has always been my answer to the question ""how can we help?"" I still believe [fixing democracy] is the only possible answer."


"Èyí ti fi ìgbà pípẹ́ jẹ́ ìdáhùn mi sí ìbéèrè náà ""báwo ni a ṣe lè ṣe ìrànwọ́?"" Mo ṣì ní ìgbàgbọ́ wípé [àtúnṣe ìjọba àwa-arawa] ni ìdáhùn kan ṣoṣo."


Not only is where you live, work, vote, pay tax and organize the place where you have more influence, but a setback for human rights in a place where democracy has deep roots is certain to be used as an excuse for even worse violations in societies where rights are more fragile.


Kì í ṣe ibi tí ò ń gbé nìkan, ṣiṣẹ́, san owó orí àti ṣe àkóso ibi tí ó ti ní ipa, àmọ́ ìfàsẹ́yìn fún ẹ̀tọ́ ọmọnìyàn nínú ibi tí ìjọba àwa-arawa ti fi ẹsẹ̀ rinlẹ̀ lè di lílò fún ìrúfin ẹ̀tọ́ ní àwọn agbègbè tí ẹ̀tọ́ ọmọnìyàn kò fi bẹ́ẹ̀ fi ẹsẹ̀ múlẹ̀.


I trust recent events made it evident that there is much that needs fixing.


Mo mọ̀ wípé àwọn ìṣẹ̀lẹ̀ tí ó ń ṣẹlẹ̀ ní òde òní jẹ́ ẹ̀rí wípé àtúnṣe pọ̀ láti ṣe.


I look forward to being inspired by how you go about fixing it.


Mo ń retí ìmísí ọ̀nà tí ẹ ó gbà tún un ṣe.


"Those looking to join the ""100 days for Alaa"" campaign are encouraged to send ""essays, photos or acts of solidarity"" that will be republished on the campaign's website:"


"Kí ẹni tí ó bá fẹ́ darapọ̀ mọ́ ìpolongo ""100 ọjọ́ fún Alaa"" ó fi ""àròkọ, àwòrán tàbí ìṣe ìlọ́wọ́sí ìpolongo"" ṣọwọ́ tí a lè tún tẹ̀ jáde sórí ibùdó-ìtàkùn-àgbáyé ìpolongo náà:"


This is an open-source campaign - we'll be putting out some new ideas, but need new thoughts and new energy coming in too.


Ìpolongo orísun-ọ̀fẹ́ - a óò máa tẹ àwọn ọgbọ́n àtinúdá tuntun síta, àmọ́ a nílò láti gba èrò tuntun àti agbára tuntun wọlé bákan náà.


So get thinking with us!


Torí ìdí èyí máa bá wa ronú!


The hashtag, as always, is #FreeAlaa - please join us in preparing the ground for Alaa's release.


Bí ìgbà gbogbo, àmì ìpolongo ni #FreeAlaa - jọ̀wọ́ darapọ̀ mọ́ wa fún ìpalẹ̀mọ́ ìdásílẹ̀ẹ Alaa.


First transgender pride march hopes to shatter stereotypes in Pakistan


Ìwọ́de afẹ́ àwọn abódiakọ-akọ́diabo àkọ́kọ́ lè tú èrò nípa wọn ní Pakístánì ká


Jannat Ali with the organizers from Sathi organization and Track-T.


Jannat Ali Pẹ̀lú àwọn alágbèékalẹ̀ láti ilé-iṣẹ́ Sathi àti Track-T.


Photo credit Syed Noman. Used with permission.


Àwòrán láti ọwọ́ọ Syed Noman. A lò ó pẹ̀lú àṣẹ.


To assert their rights and demand implementation of the law, a Transgender Pride March took place in Lahore, Pakistan, on 29 December 2018.


Fún ìfẹsẹ̀múlẹ̀ ẹ̀tọ́ àti imúdiṣíṣẹ ìbéèrè wọn lábẹ́ òfin, ìwọ́de Afẹ́ Abódiakọ-akọ́diabo wáyé ní Lahore, Pakistan, lọ́jọ́ 29 oṣù Ọ̀pẹ ọdún 2018.


For the first time in the country's history, Transgender people dared to step out of their seclusion and demanded that the Government implement The Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Act, of May 24, 2018.


Fún ìgbà àkọ́kọ́ nínú ìtàn ìlúu nì, àwọn Abódiakọ-akọ́diabo kò bẹ̀rù láti jáde síta nínú ibi ìkòkọ̀ wọn àti fún ìjọba láti mú òfin Ààbò Ẹ̀tọ́ Abódiakọ-akọ́diabo Ènìyàn ọjọ́ 24, oṣù Èbìbì 2018.


Transgender Pride march takes place in Pakistan


Trans people in Pakistan staged the country's first Transgender Pride march.


"The Constitution of Pakistan says that ""No person shall be deprived of life or liberty save in accordance with law,"" which is covered under the Fundamental Rights of citizens."


"Ìwé òfin ìlú Pakistan sọ wípé ""A kò gbọdọ̀ fi ẹ̀tọ́ ìgbé ayé tàbí òmìnira du ẹnikẹ́ni ní ìbámu òfin,"" tí ó wà lábẹ́ Àwọn Ẹ̀tọ́ ọmọ ìlú."


However, Transgender persons have a different story to tell when it comes to their rights and life; they have faced torture, rape, been burnt alive, beheaded and even shot dead, yet the state did not help them despite the passing of the Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Act by the Government in March 2018.


Síbẹ̀, Abódiakọ-akọ́diabo ènìyàn ní ìtàn mìíràn láti sọ bí ó bá kan ti ẹ̀tọ́ àti ìgbé ayé; wọ́n ti jìyà oró, ìfipábánilòpọ̀, dáná sun wọ́n ní ààyè, bẹ́ wọn lórí àti yin ìbọn pa wọ́n, ìjọba kò fi torí gbogbo èyí ràn wọ́n lọ́wọ́ pẹ̀lú pé Ìjọba ti tari òfin Ààbò Ẹ̀tọ́ Abódiakọ-akọ́diabo Ènìyàn wọlé nínú oṣù Ẹrẹ́nà ọdún 2018.


Jannat Ali, nicknamed Lahore's Trans Diva, is the founder of Track Transgender and Program Director of Sathi Foundation which organized the Pride March.


Jannat Ali, tí orúkọ ìnagijẹ rẹ̀ ń jẹ́ Lahore's Trans Diva, ni olùdásílẹ̀ Abódiakọ-akọ́diabo Track Transgender àti Olùdarí Ètò fún Ilé-iṣẹ́ Sathi tí ó ṣe àgbékalẹ̀ Ìwọ́de Afẹ́ náà.


Other transgender people and non-transgender supportive members also played their role in the execution of the march and its success.


Àwọn Abódiakọ-akọ́diabo mìíràn àti àwọn tí kì í ṣe Abódiakọ-akọ́diabo àmọ́ tí ó jẹ́ alátìlẹ́yìn náà kó ipa nínú ìyíde náà àti àṣeyọríi rẹ̀.


Sathi Foundation is a transgender-led organization working for the welfare of the transgender community in Pakistan.


Ilé-iṣẹ́ ìpìlẹ̀ Sathi jẹ́ ilé-iṣẹ́ fún àlàáfíà àti ìmójútó ààbò ẹgbẹ́ abódiakọ-akọ́diabo ní Pakistan.


Transgender Pride March in Lahore, December 29, 2018.


Ìwọ́de Afẹ́ Abódiakọ-akọ́diabo ní Lahore, oṣù Ọ̀pẹ, ọdún 2018.


Image credit Syed Noman.


Syed Noman ni ó ní àwòrán.


Used with permission.


A lò ó pẹ̀lú àṣẹ.


The march was attended by nearly 250 transgender people from all provinces of Pakistan.


Ènìyàn Abódiakọ-akọ́diabo tí ó tó bí 250 láti agbègbè jákèjádò ìlú Pakistan.


Prominent among them were Kami Sid, Bebo from Sindh, Nadra from KPK, Anmol from Sahiwal District, Nayab from Okara, Sunaina Khan (Classical Dancer), Naghma & Lucky (Coke Studio Singers), Laila Naz and Neeli Rana.


Gbajúmọ̀ nínú wọn ni Kami Sid, Bebo láti Sindh, Nadra láti KPK, Anmol láti Agbègbè Sahiwal, Nayab láti Okara, Sunaina Khan (Oníjó ìbílẹ̀), Naghma àti Lucky (Akọrin Coke Studio), Laila Naz àti Neeli Rana.


The event started with a Press Conference at the Lahore Press Club where the demands of the community were presented; after which they marched to Al Hamra Cultural Complex on the Mall dancing and singing songs on the way, where they dispersed after food.


Ìpàdé oníròyìn ni a fi bẹ̀rẹ̀ ètò ní Ilé Ẹgbẹ́ Akọ̀ròyìn ní Lahore níbi tí wọ́n ti fi ẹ̀dùn ọkàn-an wọn hàn; lẹ́yìn náà ni wọ́n yíde kiri dé Ilé Àṣà Al Hamra níbi tí wọ́n ti jó, kọrin lọ́nà, kí wọn ó tó fọ́nká lẹ́yìn tí wọ́n jẹun tán.


Even though the press conference was held in the Lahore Press Club the Pride March was not covered by mainstream media.


Pẹ̀lú pé ìpàdé fún oníròyìn wáyé ní Ilé Ẹgbẹ́ Akọ̀ròyìn Lahore, Ìyíde Ìgbéraga náà ó jáde nínú ìròyìn.


Although organizers invited officials, like Punjab MNA Saadia Sohail from Pakistan Tehreek e Insaf, government officials didn't attend the event.


Bí ó tilẹ̀ jé pé àwọn alágbèékalẹ̀ fi ìwé pe aláṣẹ ìlú, bí i Punjab MNA Saadia Sohail láti Pakistan Tehreek e Insaf, àwọn aláṣẹ kò yọjú.


The march did generate some attention on social media where people appreciated the parade while some questioned the reason for its non-coverage by mainstream media.


Ìyíde ọ̀hún fa awuyewuye lórí ẹ̀rọ-alátagbà níbi tí àwọn ènìyàn gbé oríyìn fún ìyíde kiri náà nígbà tí àwọn ènìyàn kan fẹ́ mọ ìdí tí ilé iṣẹ́ oníròyìn kò ṣe rò nípa rẹ̀.


According to organizer Jannat Ali:


Ni ọ̀rọ̀ọ rẹ̀ alágbèékáa Jannat Ali ní:


The aim was to show positive and progressive image of Pakistan and how the country is slowly accepting us and we are gaining more space in the society.


Pakistan is not only about terrorism and a conservative society there is more to us.


We promoted our march along with our KhawajaSara (transgender) culture and traditions it was not the same type of march as it is held in US.


The march also emphasized a positive and progressive image of the transgender community; it also called attention to the discrimination and violence.


Ìyíde náà tún tẹnu mọ́ ìlọsíwájú àti ìbáṣepọ̀ rere láàárín ẹgbẹ́ abódiakọ-akọ́diabo; bákan náà ni ó tẹnu mọ́ ìyàsọ́tọ̀ àti rògbòdìyàn.


Due to limited options in mainstream jobs, transgender people are forced to turn to the sex trade to earn a living.


Nítorí wípé kò sí iṣẹ́ fún wọn, àwọn abódiakọ-akọ́diabo ènìyàn kò ní ṣíṣe ju kí wọn ó ṣe òwò nọ̀bì láti rí oúnjẹ òòjọ́.


Due to unsafe sex practices, many have HIV and AIDS.


Látàrí ìbálòpọ̀ tí kò ní ààbò, ọ̀pọ̀ l'ó ti kó àrùn kògbéwékògbègbó HIV àti AIDS.


The police and doctors also need to be sensitized as they are often making life difficult for Transgender people who reach out for help or medical assistance.


Ìdánilẹ́kọ̀ọ́ ṣe kókó fún àjọ ọlọ́pàá àti oníṣègùn nítorí àwọn ni kì í mú ayé rọrùn fún Abódiakọ-akọ́diabo ènìyàn tí ó bá ra ọwọ́ ẹ̀bẹ̀ tàbí nílò ìrànlọ́wọ́ ètò ìlera.


Despite the legislation, transgender people continue to face extreme hostility.


A ti fi ẹ̀tọ́ àwọn abódiakọ-akọ́diabo yí iyẹ̀pẹ̀.


Since 2015, at least 500 transgender people have been killed in Pakistan, while Jannat Ali says that more than 60 transgender individuals have been killed in the last year alone.


Láti ọdún 2015, abódiakọ-akọ́diabo tí ó tó 500 ni a ti rán lọ sí ọ̀run alakákeji ní Pakistan , Jannat Ali sì tún sọ wípé Abódiakọ-akọ́diabo 60 ni a dá ẹ̀mí wọn ní ẹ̀gbodò ní ọdún tí ó kọjá.


Asad Zaidi tweeted about the general impression of Pakistanis towards the transgender community:


Asad Zaidi túwíìtì nípa ojú tí àwọn ènìyàn Pakistan fi wo ẹgbẹ́ Abódiakọ-akọ́diabo:


In a talk at TEDxLahore in 2017, Jannat Ali shared her painful journey about being a transgender person in Pakistan after coming out to not just her family but to society at large as well.


Nínú ọ̀rọ̀ọ rẹ̀ ní TEDxLahore ní ọdún 2017, Jannat Ali ṣe àlàyé ìrìnàjòo rẹ̀ gẹ́gẹ́ bí abódiakọ-akọ́diabo ní Pakistan lẹ́yìn ìgbà tí ó fi irú ènìyàn tí òun ń jẹ́ han ẹbí àti àwọn ènìyàn.


The Transgender Person (Protection of Rights) Act 2018 passed by majority votes in the National Assembly ensured that the community could obtain a driver's license, passport, have the right to get their gender changed in National Database and Registration Authority (NADRA) records, stopping of harassment, access to educational, employment in trade and health services without discrimination.


Òfin Ẹ̀tọ́ Ààbò Abódiakọ-akọ́diabo Ènìyàn ọdún 2018 tí a bu ọwọ́ lù nínú ilé ìgbìmọ̀ aṣòfin fi àṣẹ fún ọmọ ẹgbẹ́ náà láti gba ìwé àṣẹ ọkọ̀ wíwà, ìwé ìrìnnà, ní ẹ̀tọ́ láti pààrọ ìṣẹ̀dá ẹni nínú àkọsílẹ̀ ìlú àti Àjọ Ìforúkọsílẹ̀ (NADRA), ìfòpinsí ìjìyà, àyè láti kàwé, iṣẹ́ nínú káràkátà àti ètò ìlera láì sí ìyàsọ́tọ̀.


It also mentions that safe houses for transgender people, medical and educational facilities and psychological counseling will be provided to them by the government.


Òfin náà ní ìjọba yóò pèsè àyè ilé ààbò fún Abódiakọ-akọ́diabo ènìyàn, ètò ìlera àti ohun èlò ẹ̀kọ́ àti ilanilọ́yẹ.


They will be entitled to inherit property and will also have the right to vote in elections.


Wọ́n máa lè jẹ ogún àti ẹ̀tọ́ láti di ìbò.


Nayaab Ali (standing), the first transgender to contest in the Pakistan general elections 2018, and Neeli Rana, another renowned transgender person.


Nayaab Ali (ní ìdúró), abódiakọ-akọ́diabo àkọ́kọ́ tí ó dújedupò nínú ìbò àpapọ̀ ọdún 2018, àti Neeli Rana, tí òun náà jẹ́ gbajúgbajà abódiakọ-akọ́diabo ènìyàn.


Image by Trans Pride Photography Team, used with permission.


Ayàwòrán Ikọ̀ Afẹ́ Abódiakọ-akọ́diabo ni ó ní àṣẹ, a gba àṣẹ àtúnlò lọ́wọ́ọ rẹ̀.


Pakistan is slowly starting to make strides when it comes to transgender visibility.


Pakistan ti ń sún kẹ́rẹ́ ní ti ìgbé ayé Abódiakọ-akọ́diabo.


A few Transgender people contested the General Elections 2018 for National and Provincial Assembly seats for the first time.


Díẹ̀ lára àwọn abódiakọ-akọ́diabo ènìyàn du ipò ìjọba nínú Ìbò ọdún 2018 fún ìgbà àkọ́kọ́.


A local TV channel hired its first transgender anchor; Coke studio, a music program, featured two transgender people in an episode.


Ilé iṣẹ́ amóhùnmáwòrán ìbílẹ̀ kan gba Abódiakọ-akọ́diabo àkọ́kọ́ sí iṣẹ́ gẹ́gẹ́ bí atọ́kùn; Coke Studio, ètò orin, àwọn Abódiakọ-akọ́diabo méjì ni ó ti kópa ní orí ètò náà.


While things are changing for the transgender community and they are slowly being accepted, the process is slow.


Bí nǹkan ṣe ń ṣe ẹnu ire fún àwọn ọmọ ẹgbẹ́ Abódiakọ-akọ́diabo a sì ń gbà wọ́n gẹ́gẹ́ bí ènìyàn, ìrìnàjò náà kò yàrá.


However, many are optimistic that things will soon change for the better and these people will get their place in society with the rights and privileges of citizens equal in the eyes of society and the law.


Síbẹ̀, ọ̀gọ̀rọ̀ ènìyàn ni ó ní ìgbàgbọ́ wípé àyípadà ọ̀tún ń bọ̀ fún àwọn ènìyàn wọ̀nyí láti gbé ìgbé ayé ìfọkànbalẹ̀ nígbà tí ẹ̀tọ́ ọmọnìyàn gbogbo ní ìlú á wà ní ọ̀gbọọgba ní ojú àwọn ènìyàn àti ní abẹ́ òfin.


"""Stop killing women"" - a new campaign against domestic violence in Angola"


"""Ẹ Yé é Pa Àwọn Òbìnrin"" - ìpolongo tuntun tí ó ń tako ìjìyà inú ìgbéyàwó ní Angola"


Manifestação em Luanda: #Paremdematarasmulheres | foto Simão Hossi


"Demonstration in Luanda, Angola, using the hashtag #Paremdematarasmulheres in Portuguese, or ""stop killing women,"" Photo by Simão Hossi, used with permission."


"Ìfè̩hònúhàn hàn ní Luanda, Angola, pẹ̀lú àmì ìpolongo #Paremdematarasmulheres ní èdè Portuguese, tabí ""ẹ yé é pa obìnrin,"" àwòrán láti ọwọ́ọ Simão Hossi, a lò ó pẹ̀lú àṣẹ."


When 26-year-old lawyer Carolina Joaquim de Sousa da Silva was found dead in her home on December 3, 2018, her husband confessed to the crime and was detained by Angola's criminal investigation department known as SIC.


Nígbà tí wọ́n bá òkú agbẹjọ́rò tí ó jẹ́ ẹni ọdún 26, Carolina Joaquim de Sousa da Silva nínú ilée rẹ̀ ní ọjọ́ 3, oṣù Ọ̀pẹ ọdún 2018, ọkọ rẹ̀ jẹ́wọ́ ọ̀ràn náà, ó sì di èrò àhámọ̀ ẹ̀ka tí ó ń ṣe ìwádìí ìwà ọ̀daràn ti Angola tí a mọ̀ sí SIC.


In the same week, another murder of a woman was reported by Angola Public Television who said the young woman was allegedly stabbed by her ex-boyfriend.


Láàárín ọ̀sẹ̀ kan náà, ìròyìn ikú obìnrin kan ni ó jáde láti ilé-iṣẹ́ Amóhùn-máwòrán Gbogboògbò orílẹ̀-èdè Angola tí ó ní wípé ọ̀rẹ́kùnrin ìgbà-kan-rí obìnrin náà ni ó gún un pa.


"These cases of violent crime have put many Angolan women on guard and led to a new campaign against domestic violence called ""Stop Killing Women,"" organized by Association Ondjango, a feminist nongovernmental organization."


"Àwọn ọ̀ràn ìwà ọ̀darànmọràn yìí ti mú ọ̀pọ̀lọpọ̀ àwọn obìnrin ní orílẹ̀-èdè Angola dúró gírígírí, èyí sì fa ìpolongo tuntun kan tí ó ń tako ìjìyà abẹ́lé tí wọ́n pe àkóríi rẹ̀ ní ""Ẹ Yé é Pa àwọn Obìnrin"" tí Ẹgbẹ́ Ondjango tí ó jẹ́ àjọ ajàfúnẹ̀tọ́ obìnrin tí kì í ṣe ti ìjọba ṣe àgbékalẹ̀ẹ rẹ̀."


Using Facebook as their main mobilizing tool, their objective is to raise awareness about crimes against women in Angola:


Wọ́n ṣe àmúlò Facebook gẹ́gẹ́ bí ohun èlò ìkórajọ wọn, èròńgbà wọn ni láti jẹ́ kí àwọn ènìyàn mọ̀ nípa àwọn ìjìyà obìnrin ní orílẹ̀-èdè Angola:


These have been difficult days.


Àsìkò yìí jẹ́ èyí tí ó le.


In truth, for us women, many days are difficult and painful because we still live in a context where, in one way or another, all types of violence against us are always excused.


Lóòótọ́, fún àwa obìnrin ọ̀pọ̀lọpọ̀ ọjọ́ ni ó le tí ó sì ń dùn èèyàn nítorí pé a ṣì wà ní ipò tí ó jẹ́ pé a máa ń yẹra fún ìjìyà lọ́nà kan tàbí òmíràn.


And in recent days, in particular, it was even more painful for having to deal with the reactions which came after the case of Carolina...


Láìpẹ́ yìí gan-an pàápàá, ó dunni láti máa kojú àwọn ìhùwàsí tí ó ń jáde lẹ́yìn ọ̀rọ̀ ti Carolina...


Violence against women is real, it really is.


Lóòótọ́ ni ìjìyà àwọn obìnrin, ó wà lóòótọ́.


It is not something in the heads of feminists, it is not an invention or empty speech: IT IS REAL!


Kì í ṣe ohun tí ó kàn wá lórí àwọn ajàfúnẹ̀tọ́ obìnrin, kì í sì í ṣe ọ̀rọ̀ àgbélẹ̀rọ tàbí ọ̀rọ̀ òfìfo, LÓÒÓTỌ́ NI!


Carolina, unfortunately, only adds to the statistics, there were many other cases before her which came to public attention and there are thousands of other cases that do not come to public attention.


Ó ṣeni láàánú pé ti Carolina kún ìṣirò tí ó ti wà nílẹ̀, ọ̀pọ̀ ọ̀ràn báyìí ti wáyé kí tirẹ̀ ó tó ṣẹlẹ̀ tí àwọn ènìyàn gbọ́ sí, bẹ́ẹ̀ sì ni ẹgbẹẹgbẹ̀rún àwọn ọ̀ràn mìíràn tí àwọn èèyàn ò mọ̀ sí.


It is a problem which is right there at the doorstep, before our eyes.


Ó jẹ́ ìṣòro kan tí ó ti wà níbẹ̀ lẹ́nu ọ̀nà níwájú wa.


And it is a problem that supposes relations between one or another couple - it is a structural problem.


Ó sì jẹ́ ìṣòro tí ó ń ro ti ìbáṣe láàárín tọkọtaya - ìṣòro àtilẹ̀wá ni.


There is a structure that dictates and relegates women to roles of subordination which turns them into potential targets of violence of all kinds and at all levels.


Ètò ìpìlẹ̀ kan wà tí ó ń pàṣẹ tí ó sì ń rẹ àwọn obìnrin sílẹ̀ sí ipò ẹ̀yìn tí èyí sì sọ wọ́n di olùfaragbá ìjìyà lóríṣiríṣi àti ní gbogbo ọ̀nà.


This structure of masculine supremacy which hangs over us and which many deny the existence of - and that is not invisible - does this: it mutilates and destroys the lives of women and KILLS!


Ètò fífi akọ ṣe olórí yìí tí ó ti kọ́ wa lọ́rùn tipẹ́ tí ọ̀pọ̀lọpọ̀ sì ń kọ̀ pé kò rí bẹ́ẹ̀ - ìyẹn kò sì ṣe é rí - ohun tí ó ń ṣe rè é: ó ń sọni di aláàbọ̀-ara, ó ń ba ayé àwọn obìnrin jẹ́, bẹ́ẹ̀ ló ń pani.


"We, individual women, and also as a collective, will continue to shout ""stop killing us"" and ""hurting our being."""


"Àwa obìnrin lọ́kọ̀ọ̀kan àti àpapọ̀ọ wa, a máa tẹ̀síwajú láti máa pariwo kí ""ẹ yéé pa wá"" kí ẹ sì ""yéé ṣe wá léṣe."""


We want laws that protect us and are really applicable, we want public policies that bring respect of our humanity to debates and institutions.


À ń fẹ́ àwọn òfin tí yóò dáàbò bò wá tí wọn yóò sì kún ojú ìwọ̀n, a fẹ́ àwọn ètò àmúlò gbogboògbò tí yóò mú àpọ́nlé wa lọ sí àwọn ìtàkùrọ̀sọ àti àwọn ìdásílẹ̀.


We want a society where we are not afraid of going out in the street!


A fẹ́ àwùjọ tí ẹ̀rù àtijáde ò ti ní bà wá!


We will continue demanding a society where we have our freedom of being, of feeling, of walking and thinking how we want.


A máa tẹ̀síwajú láti béèrè fún àwùjọ tí a óò ti ní òmìnira ti ara, òmìnira ìmọ̀lára, òmìnira ìrìn àti òmìnira ríronú bí a ṣe fẹ́.


We will continue to demand a society where we can live in security.


A máa tẹ̀síwajú láti béèrè fún àwùjọ tí a ti lè gbáyé pẹ̀lú ààbò tó péye.


Meanwhile, this campaign sparked opposing reactions from some men who found justifications for the wave of violence against women.


Bẹ́ẹ̀, ìpolongo yìí mú èsì tí ó ń takoni wá láti ọ̀dọ̀ àwọn ọkùnrin kan tí wọ́n rí ìdí fún ìdáláre fún ìrúkèrúdò fífi ìyà jẹ obìnrin.


"Their campaign is called ""Stop Betraying Us"" and believe that betrayal is a valid reason for domestic violence against women."


"Wọ́n pe ìpolongo wọn ní ""Ẹ Yé é Dà Wá,"" wọ́n gbà pé ìwà ọ̀dàlẹ̀ jẹ́ ìdí tí ó tọ́ láti máa fìyà jẹ obìnrin."


Though their movement has not gained much traction, Angolan rapper Gil Slows Allen Russel even said:


Bíótilẹ̀jẹ́pé èrò wọn ò tí ì máa rinlẹ̀, Olórin Angola, Gill Slows Allen Russell náà sọ̀rọ̀;


Stop betraying others, please no more cuckolds.


"""Ẹ yé é da ẹlòmíràn, ẹ jọ̀wọ́ a ò fẹ́ aláìṣòdodo aya mọ́."


It is a loud cry, women if you no longer love us ask for a divorce before betraying us, go away.


À ń ké tantan, ẹ̀yin obìnrin bí ẹ kò bá nífẹ̀ẹ́ wa mọ́, ẹ béèrè fún ìtúká kí ẹ tó máa dà wa, ẹ máa lọ.


Sociologist Mbangula Kemba criticized this point of view, asserting that conjugal problems must not be resolved with violence.


Onímọ̀ àwùjọ Mbangula Kemba sọ̀rọ̀ tako ojú tí wọ́n fi wo ọ̀rọ̀ yìí, ó tẹnumọ́ọ pé wọn ò gbọdọ̀ fi ìfìyàjẹni yanjú ìṣòro nínú ìgbéyàwó.


Angola approved a domestic violence law known as 25/11 in 2011 which criminalizes all acts of domestic violence as a public crime.


Angola fi ìdí òfin tí ó ń de ìfìyàjẹni tí wọ́n mọ̀ sí 25/11 múlẹ̀ ní ọdún 2011 tí ó ń sọ onírúurú ìfìyàjẹni abẹ́lé di ìwà ọ̀daràn ní gbangba.


However, this law has insufficiently light sentences, which vary from two to eight years.


Síbẹ̀síbẹ̀, ìdájọ́ òfin yìí kò le tó, ìtìmọ́lé ọdún méjì sí mẹ́jọ.


Sizaltina Cutaia, an activist and feminist in Angola well-known for working on women's rights, called for a better application of the law on social media:


Sizaltina Cutaia, tí í ṣe ajìjàgbara àti ajàfẹ́tọ̀ọ́ obìnrin ní Angola; tí ó jẹ́ ìlúmọ̀ọ́ká fún iṣẹ́ẹ rẹ̀ lórí ẹ̀tọ́ obìnrin béèrè fún ìṣàmúlò òfin náà lórí àwọn gbàgede ìtàkùrọ̀sọ lórí ẹ̀rọ-alátagbà:


It is not enough to increase sentences, Mrs. vice president of the MPLA [People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola], it is necessary that the state creates structural conditions to combat violence - the commitments taken in 2007 through the ratification of the protocol of Maputo need to be implemented.


Àfikún ọdún ẹ̀wọ̀n kò tó, arábìnrin igbá-kejì Ààrẹ MPLA [Àjọ Àwọn ènìyàn tó fẹ́ ìdásílẹ̀ Angola], Ó nílò kí orílẹ̀-èdè ṣe ìdásílẹ̀ àwọn ìlànà àtilẹ̀wá tí yóò kojú ìpanilára - Àwọn ohun tí wọ́n fara mọ́ ní 2007 nípa àjọsọ ìlànà Maputo ní láti di ṣíṣe.


As well as this, it is necessary to create structures to attend to the victims and enact complementary legislation that guarantees de facto realization of women's rights.


Bákan náà ni ti èyí, ó nílò kí wọ́n ṣe ìdásílẹ̀ òfin arọ́pò tí yóò mú ẹ̀tọ́ àwọn obìnrin rinlẹ̀.


This includes all the legislation around women's sexual and reproductive rights.


Lára èyí ni gbogbo òfin tí ó de obìnrin ní ti ìbálòpọ̀ àti ẹ̀tọ́ ọmọ bíbí wà.


It is no use making speeches against domestic violence and afterward supporting policies that authorize inspectors and police officers to assault women daily in the streets, it's contradictory!


Kò sí ìwúlò ìsọ̀rọ̀ tako ìjìyà abẹ́lé kí ó wá di ẹ̀yìn wá kí a máa ṣe ìgbèlẹ́yìn àwọn òfin tí ó fi àṣẹ fún agbófinró láti yẹ̀yẹ́ obìrin ní títì ní ojúmọ́, kò bá ara mu!


It is no use making speeches against domestic violence and supporting a state budget which does not safeguard social services, the underfinancing of which we all know negatively impacts the lives of women.


Kò wúlò kí a máa sọ̀rọ̀ tako ìjìyà abẹ́lé kí a sì tún máa gbèlẹ́yìn àṣàrò ìnáwó tí kò ní ṣe ààbò ètò àwùjọ, ìṣúná àìtó tí gbogbo wa mọ̀ pé ipa òdì ni ó ń kó nínú ayé àwọn obìnrin.


It is necessary to give sense to the speeches with concrete actions.


Ó ṣe pàtàkì kí a fi ọgbọ́n kún àwọn ọ̀rọ̀ náà pẹ̀lú ṣíṣe gidi.


Put your money where your mouth is.


Ẹ fi owó yín sí ibi tí ẹnu yín wà.


# stop killing women


# ẹyéé pa àwọn obìnrin


Feminist Cecília Kitombé reacted to those who continue to encourage violent relationships:


Ajàfẹ́tọ̀ọ́ obìnrin Cecelia Kitombé sọ̀rọ̀ sí àwọn tí ó ń ṣe àtìlẹyìn ìbáṣepọ̀ tí ó níyà nínú:


Some of those who are ... asserting that it is too much [to speak out against domestic violence], are the same who advise daughters, sisters, and cousins to stay in abusive relationships, under the pretext that in the conversation of husband and wife you cannot interfere, and others tell you to continue, life in a couple is just like that...


Lára wa tí à ń tẹnumọ́ ọn pé ó pọ̀jù [láti sọ̀rọ̀ síta tako ìjìyà Abẹ́lé] náà ni ẹni tí ó ń gba àwọn ọmọbìnrin, arábìnrin àti ìbátan lóbìnrin níyànjú láti máa fi ara da ìbáṣepọ̀ tí ó ń pani lára pẹ̀lú ọ̀rọ̀-ẹ̀tàn pé ọ̀rọ̀ tọkọtaya ò ṣe é dá sí, àwọn mìíràn á ní kí o tẹ̀síwajú bẹ́ẹ̀, bí ọ̀rọ̀ lọ́kọláya ṣe rí nìyẹn...


"There are also those who think that women can do everything, but must never forget their ""role"""


"Àwọn kan tilẹ̀ rò pé obìnrin lè ṣe gbogbo nǹkan, ṣùgbọ́n wọn ò gbọdọ̀ gbàgbé ""ojúṣe"" wọn."


Stop killing us!!!


Ẹ yéé pa wá!!!


How preserving folktales and legends help raise environment awareness in the Mekong


Bí àpamọ́ àlọ́ àti ìtàn àtọwọ́dọ́wọ́ ṣe mú ọ̀rọ̀ àyíká di mímọ̀ ní Mekong


The Mekong Basin. Photo from the website of The People's Stories project.


Adágún omi Mekong. Àwòrán tí a mú láti Ibùdó-ìtàkùn-àgbáyé iṣẹ́ Ìtàn Àwọn Ènìyàn.


Used with permission


In 2014, several indigenous communities in the Mekong started recording their stories and legends with the help of a group of researchers who are exploring how these narratives can help exposing the destructive impact of large-scale projects in the region.


Ní ọdún 2014, ogunlọ́gọ̀ ìbílẹ̀ ní Mekong bẹ̀rẹ̀ sí ní í ṣe àkọsílẹ̀ àwọn àlọ́ àti ìtàn àtọwọ́dọ́wọ́ọ wọn pẹ̀lú ìrànlọ́wọ́ ẹgbẹ́ aṣèwádìí kan tí ó ń ṣe àyẹ̀wò fínnífínní sí bí ìtàn wọ̀nyí ṣe lè ṣe ìrànwọ́ tí yóò tú àṣìírí ìmúdìbàjẹ́ àyíká tí àwọn iṣẹ́ ńláǹlà ń fà ní agbègbè náà.


The Mekong is one of Asia's great river systems which flows through six countries: China, Myanmar, Thailand, Laos, Cambodia, and Vietnam.


Mekong jẹ́ ọ̀kan nínú àwọn odò ńlá Ásíà tí ó ṣàn gba orílẹ̀-èdè mẹ́fà: China, Myanmar, Thailand, Laos, Cambodia, àti Vietnam.


It is rich in biodiversity and a vital source of livelihood for millions of farmers and fisherfolk.


Ó ní ọ̀pọ̀lọpọ̀ ọrọ̀ ìṣẹ̀dá abẹ̀mí àti ewéko tí ó jẹ́ ohun ìsayéró fún ẹgbẹẹ̀gbẹ̀rún àgbẹ̀ àti apẹja.


In recent years, several large-scale projects such as hydropower dams have displaced residents while threatening the river basin's ecosystem.


Ní ọdún díẹ̀ sẹ́yìn, ọ̀pọ̀lọpọ̀ iṣẹ́ ńláǹlà bíi kòtò ìdarí-omi ṣíṣàn fún Ìpèsè Iná Mànàmáná ti lé àwọn olùgbé jìnà ó sì ń ṣe àkóbá fún nnkan ìṣẹ̀dá odò náà.


Despite protests, the construction of dams has continued, especially in Laos and Thailand.


Ọ̀kanòjọ̀kan ìfẹ̀hónúhàn kò ṣe nǹkan kan, àwọn iṣẹ́ ìdarí-omi ṣíṣàn ṣì ń lọ, pàápàá jù lọ ní Laos àti Thailand.


In partnership with Mekong Watch, a Japan-based group advocating sustainable development in the region, several community elders in the Mekong began recording some of their stories and legends in 2014 that revolve around nature.


Pẹ̀lú àjọṣepọ̀ Mekong Watch, ẹgbẹ́ kan ní Jápáànì ń jà fún ìdàgbàsókè ní agbègbè náà, ọ̀pọ̀lọpọ̀ àwọn àgbà ní Mekong ti bẹ̀rẹ̀ sí ní ṣe àkọsílẹ̀ àlọ́, ìṣẹ̀lẹ̀ àti ìtàn àtọwọ́dọ́wọ́ọ wọn tí ó ní íṣe pẹ̀lú ìṣẹ̀dá.


"Mekong Watch believes that these stories ""have played an important role in protecting nature by avoiding the over-exploitation of natural resources."""


"Mekong Watch gbàgbọ́ wípé àwọn ìtàn wọ̀nyí ""ti kó ipa ribiribi ní ti ìdáàbò ìṣẹ̀dá nípa dídẹ́kun ìwà àìbìkítà fún ọrọ̀ ìṣẹ̀dá."""


"Mekong Watch asserts that part of the commons that need to be protected are not just natural resources but also ""intangible heritages"" that can be shared and accessed by the local community."


"Mekong Watch sọ wípé ohun ìṣẹ̀dá nìkan kọ́ ni a ní láti dáàbò bò àmọ́ àti àwọn ""nǹkan àjogúnbá tí-a-kò-le-è-rí-dìmú"" tí a lè pín àti rí lò."


Toshiyuki Doi, senior adviser of Mekong watch, adds:


Toshiyuki Doi, olùdámọ̀ràn àgbà fún Mekong Watch, ní èyí láti sọ:


People's stories should be regarded, recognized, and respected as Mekong's commons, especially these days when they are losing their place in local communities to more modern media, and are not passed on to next generations.


Ó pọn dandan fún wa láti ka ìtàn àwọn ènìyàn Mekong kún, kí a dá wọn mọ̀, àti bọ̀wọ̀ fún wọn, papàá jù lọ ní òde òní tí wọ́n ti ń pàdánù àyè wọn ní ìrọ́pò ilé iṣẹ́ oníròyìn ìgbàlódé, tí wọn kò sì fi àjogúnbá lé ìran tí ó ń bọ̀ lọ́wọ́.


"Areas in the Mekong where researchers conducted fieldwork. 1. Kmhmu"" in northern and central Laos; 2. Siphandon in southern Laos; 3. Akha in northern Thailand; 4. Thai So and Isan in northeastern Thailand; 5. Bunong in northeastern Cambodia."


"Àwọn agbègbè ní Mekong níbi tí àwọn oníṣẹ́-ìwádìí ti ṣe iṣẹ́. 1. Kmhmu"" ní àríwá àti àárín gbùngbùn Laos;; 2. Siphandon ní gúúsù Laos; 3. Akha ní àríwá Thailand; 4. Thai So atí Isan ní àríwá-ìwọ̀-oòrùn Thailand; 5. Bunong ní àríwá-ìwọ̀-oòrùn Cambodia."


The group was able to collect a total of 102 stories in Cambodia, Laos, and Thailand.


Ẹgbẹ́ náà ṣe gudugudu méje yàyà mẹ́fà kí ó tó kó oríṣiríṣi ìtàn 102 jọ ní Cambodia, Laos, àti Thailand.


Stories were recorded, transcribed, and translated into the national languages of Thailand, Laos, and Cambodia before an English version was made.


A ṣe àkọsílẹ̀ àwọn ìtàn wọ̀nyí, dà á kọ sílẹ̀ sínú ìwé, àti ìtúmọ̀ ìtàn sí àwọn èdè orílẹ̀ Thailand, Laos, àti Cambodia kí ó tó kan ẹ̀da ti èdè Gẹ̀ẹ́sì.


Mekong Watch published these stories as pamphlets in both printed and digital formats, and used them during environment workshops they conducted at the communities.


Mekong Watch tẹ àwọn ìtàn wọ̀nyí jáde sórí ìwé ìròyìn pélébé àti sórí ẹ̀rọ ayárabíàṣá, wọ́n sì tún lò ó ní ìdánilẹ́kọ̀ọ́ nípa àyíká ní àwọn ìlú náà.


Since late 2016, we have used people's stories to provide environmental education to children in rural Laos and Thailand.


Láti ìparí ọdún 2016, a ti fi ìtàn àwọn ènìyàn ṣe ìdánilẹ́kọ̀ọ́ àyíká fún àwọn èwe ní ìgbèríko Laos àti Thailand.


We have hosted workshops in schools and local communities to guide children, and sometimes adults, to collect stories from elderly people, learn from the stories, and turn them into reading materials.


A ti ṣe àgbékalẹ̀ ìdánilẹ́kọ̀ọ́ ní ilé-ìwé àti ní ìlú ìbílẹ̀ láti tọ́ àwọn èwe sọ́nà, àti àwọn àgbà nígbà mìíràn, láti ṣe àkọsílẹ̀ ìtàn ẹnu àwọn àgbàlagbà, fi ìtàn náà kọ́gbọ́n, àti láti sọ wọ́n di kíkà.


"An example of a workshop involves the retelling of the story of ""The Owl and the Deer"" from Kmhmu"" people in central and northern Laos."


"Àpẹẹrẹ ìdánilẹ́kọ̀ọ́ kan ni ìtúnsọ àlọ́ ""Òwìwí àti Àgbọ̀nrín"" àwọn aráa Kmhmu ní àárín gbùngbùn àti àríwá Laos."


The story is about an owl who lost his ability to see during the day after cheating a deer.


Àlọ́ náà dá lóríi òwìwí tí kò ríran ní ọ̀sán nítorí ó yan àgbọ̀nrín jẹ.


During a workshop, young participants are asked:


Níbi ìdánilẹ́kọ̀ọ́ kan, a bi àwọn èwe tí ó kópa:


"""What kinds of animals appear in the story?,"""


"""Irúfẹ́ ẹranko wo ni a bá nínú àlọ́ náà?,"""


"""Can you see these animals in your village?,"" and"


"""Ǹjẹ́ a lè rí àwọn ẹranko wọ̀nyí ní abúlée yín bí?,"" àti"


"""If there are fewer of these animals in your village than before, why do you think this has happened?"""


"""bóyá àwọn ẹranko wọ̀nyí ti dínkù sí ti ìgbà kan, kí ni ìwọ rò wípé ó ti ṣẹlẹ̀?"""


After this, participants are encouraged to connect the story to the deterioration of the environment in their communities.


Lẹ́yìn èyí, a gba àwọn akópa ní ìyànjú láti so àlọ́ náà mọ́ ìdìbàjẹ́ àyíká ní ìlúu wọn.


In Champasak Province, south Laos, the legend of the endangered Irrawaddy dolphin and the Sida bird is used to highlight how a dam project is disrupting the seasonal migration of Mekong River fisheries.


Ní agbègbè Champasak, gúúsù Laos, ìtàn àtọwọ́dọ́wọ́ọ ẹranko omi tí ó ti ń dínkù Irrawaddy dolphin àti ẹyẹ Sida ni a ń lò fi ṣe àpèjúwe bí iṣẹ́ ìdarí-omi-ṣíṣàn ṣe ń ṣe àkóbá fún ẹja inú odò Mekong.


Another story also from southern Laos is instructive on the value of resource management:


Àlọ́ mìíràn láti gúúsù Laos ní àwọn ìlànà tí ó kọ́ni nípa ìmọrírìi ìbójútó ọrọ̀ ìṣẹ̀dá:


The story about the Rhino Head was recorded on November 16, 2014, at the Songkram River bank in northeast Thailand.


A ṣe àkọsílẹ̀ àlọ́ Orí Erinmi ní ọjọ́ 16, oṣù Belu, ọdún 2014, ní etídò Songkran ní àríwá-ìwọ̀-oòrùn Thailand.


The narrator was Mun Kimprasert, aged 68, photo by Mekong Watch, used with permission.


Mun Kimprasert, ẹni ọdún 68. ni asọ̀tàn, Mekong Watch ló ni àwòrán, a lò ó pẹ̀lú àṣẹ.


Once, a soldier stepped into a spirit forest.


Ní ìgbà kan, ológun kan wọ inú igbó iwin kan.


He discovered a lot of tobacco leaves there and collected them.


Ó ṣe alábàápàdé ọ̀pọ̀lọpọ̀ ewé kátabá níbẹ̀ ó sì ṣẹ́ wọn.


However, when trying to leave the forest, he could not find an exit.


Àmọ́ ṣá, bí ó ti fẹ́ẹ́ jáde nínú igbó náà, ọ̀nà dí mọ́n ọn ní ojú, kò sì mọ ọ̀nà mọ́.


It was because he took more tobacco leaves than he could possibly consume for himself.


Nítorí wípé ó ṣẹ́ ewé kátabá tí ó pọ̀ ju èyí tí ó lè lò lọ ni kò fi mọ ọ̀nà mọ́n.


No matter how hard he searched, he could not find a way.


Ó wá ọ̀nà títí kò rí.


Realizing what might have been the problem, he finally decided to return the tobacco leaves to the forest.


Ẹ̀rí-ọkàn bẹ̀rẹ̀ sí ní jẹ́ ẹ fún ohun tí ó ṣe, ó pinnu láti dá àwọn ewé kátabá náà padà sí ibi tí ó ti gbé ṣẹ́ ẹ.


The moment he dropped them on the ground, he was able to see an exit in front of him.


Wéré tí ó sọ ọ́ sílẹ̀, logan ni ó rí ọ̀nà ní iwájúu rẹ̀.


In northern Thailand, a story by the Akha people about the origin of the swing teaches self-sacrifice through a heroic episode of a brother and a sister who put the world in order.


Ní àríwá Thailand, àlọ́ àwọn aráa Akha kan nípa ìpilẹ̀ṣẹ̀ swing tí ó sọ iṣẹ́ takuntakun ìfaraẹnisílẹ̀ t'ẹ̀gbọ́ntàbúrò tí ó mú ayé rọrùn.


In northeast Thailand, a folktale about Ta Sorn narrated by Tongsin Tanakanya promotes unity among neighbors in a farming community.


Ní àríwá ìwọ-oòrùn Thailand, àlọ́ kan tí ó dá lórí Ta Sorn tí Tongsin Tanakanya sọ ṣe ìgbélárugẹ ìṣọ̀kan láàárín aládùúgbò ní ìlú iṣẹ́ àgbẹ̀.


Another story recalls how the hunting of a rhinoceros led to the formation of salt trading in this part of the country.


Ìtàn mìíràn ṣe ìrántí bí pípa àgbànrere kan ṣe fa iyọ̀ títà ní apá orílẹ̀-èdè yìí.


In Bunong, located in northeast Cambodia, there are stories about rituals to fix bad marriages and planting and harvest ceremonies narrated by Khoeuk Keosineam.


Ní Bunong, tí ó wà ní àríwá ìwọ-oòrùn Cambodia, àwọn àlọ́ tí ó sọ nípa ètùtù fún àtúnṣe sí ìgbéyàwó tí kò ní adùn àti ètùtù ìfọ́nrúgbìn àti ìkórè tí Khoeuk Keosineam jẹ́ asọ̀tàn.


There is also the legend of the elephant as retold by Chhot Pich which reveals how villagers who once poisoned a river were punished by the gods and turned into elephants.


Bákan náà ni ìtàn àtọwọ́dọ́wọ́ọ erin tí Chhot Pich sọ ṣe àfihàn bí àwọn òrìṣà ṣe sọ àwọn ará abúlé tí ó fi májèlé sí inú odò di erin.


It explains why elephants were comfortable living with humans but, after several generations, they forgot their origins and went to live in the forest.


Ó sọ ìdí tí ó fi rọrùn fún erin láti máa gbé pẹ̀lú àwọn ènìyàn àmọ́, lẹ́yìn ọ̀pọ̀lọpọ̀ ìran, wọ́n gbàgbé ìpìlẹ̀ wọn, wọ́n lọ ń gbé nínú igbó.


Hea Phoeun from the Laoka Village, Senmonorom, Mondulkiri Province in Cambodia shares a village ritual on how to fix an unfit marriage.


Hea Phoeun ti abúlé Laoka, Senmonorom, agbègbè Mondulkiri ní Cambodia ń ṣàlàyé ètùtù ìgbéyàwó tí kò ládùn ní abúlé.


Photo by Mekong Watch, used with permission.


Àwòrán láti ọwọ́ọ Mekong Watch, a lò ó pẹ̀lú àṣẹ.


For Mekong Watch and the threatened communities in the region, preserving these stories is integral in the campaign to resist projects that would displace thousands of people living in the Mekong:


Fún Mekong Watch àti àwọn agbègbè ní ìlú náà tí àkóbá ti bá, ìpamọ́ àwọn ìtàn wọ̀nyí ṣe kókó nínú ìpolongo ìkọjú-ìjà sí àwọn iṣẹ́ tí yóò lé ẹgbẹẹgbẹ̀rún olùgbé Mekong kúrò ní ilée wọn:


These stories can help form their identity as a community member and identify with the environment.


Ìtàn wọ̀nyí lè di ìdánimọ̀ọ wọn gẹ́gẹ́ bí ọmọ ìlú àti ìbáṣepọ̀ t'ó dán mánrán pẹ̀lú àyíká.


By means of stories, the communities search for ways to accommodate and/or resist changes that are taking place in the Mekong river basin.


Nípasẹ̀ẹ ìtàn, ìlú yóò wá ọ̀nà ìgbàmọ́ra àti/tàbí ìkọjú-ìjà sí ìyípadà tí ó ń ṣẹlẹ̀ ní odò Mekong.


Meet Nigeria's presidential candidates of 2019


Mọ àwọn òǹdíje sí ipò ààrẹ Nàìjíríà ọdún 2019


The 2019 Nigerian presidential candidates [Collage by Nwachukwu Egbunike].


Àwọn òǹdíje sí ipò ààrẹ Nàìjíríà ọdún 2019 [Àkópọ̀ àwòrán láti ọwọ́ọ Nwachukwu Egbunike].


Nigeria, Africa's most populous nation, will hold presidential elections on February 16, 2019.


Nàìjíríà, orílẹ̀-èdè tí ó ní ènìyàn tí ó pọ̀ jù ní Ilẹ̀-Adúláwọ̀, yóò di ìbò ipò ààrẹ ní ọjọ́ 16, oṣù 2019.


"Although there are 73 presidential candidates, the race for Aso Rock - the seat of Nigeria's presidency - will be between two major contenders and candidates from the so-called ""third force,"" a group of hopefuls who are relatively new to Nigerian politics."


"Bí-ó-ti-lẹ̀-jẹ́-wípé àwọn òǹdíje sí ipò ààrẹ t'ó 73, eré Àpáta Agbára - ibùjókòó ààrẹ orílẹ̀-èdè Nàìjíríà - yóò wáyé ní àárín-in ẹgbẹ́ olóṣèlú méjì tí ó ti ń figagbága ní ọjọ́ tí ó ti pẹ́ àti àwọn òǹdíje tí a pè ní ""agbára ìkẹta,"" ìyẹn àwọn ẹgbẹ́ a ṣẹ̀ṣẹ̀ dé sínú ìṣèlú orílẹ̀-èdè Nàìjíríà."


Muhammad Buhari, president of Nigeria. Creative Commons.


Muhammad Buhari, Ààrẹ orílẹ̀-èdè Nàìjíríà. Creative Commons.


The two major Nigerian parties, All Progressive Congress and Peoples Democratic Party, will, of course, be fielding their candidates:


Ẹgbẹ́ méjèèjì tí ó gbajúmọ̀ jù lọ, Ìpéjọ Ìlọsíwájú Gbogboògbò APC àti Ẹgbẹ́-olóṣèlú Ìjọba-àwa-arawa PDP, láì ṣe àní-àní, yóò tari òǹdíje wọn sí gbangba wálíà:


Muhammadu Buhari


The incumbent candidate of the All Progressive Congress, Buhari won the 2011 presidential election after defeating former president Goodluck Jonathan.


Ààrẹ lọ́wọ́lọ́wọ́ tí ó jẹ́ òǹdíje lábẹ́ àsíá APC, Buhari ló jáwé olúborí nínú ìbò ààrẹ ti ọdún 2011 tí ààrẹ ìgbà kan Goodluck Jónátánì sí pàdánù.


Buhari's ascendance to power was based on his integrity and perceived ability to curb corruption and the Boko Haram militancy.


Nítorí irú ènìyàn tí Buhari ń ṣe àti èrò wípé yóò gbógun ti ìjẹgúdújẹrá àti ìgbáwọlẹ̀ ẹgbẹ́ afẹ̀míṣòfò Boko Haram ni àwọn ará ìlú fi gbé e sórí àlééfà.


However, under his watch, Nigeria has witnessed continued insecurity with pastoral conflicts between herders and farmers as herders from the north move further south in search of arable lands.


Síbẹ̀, lábẹ́ ìṣàkóso rẹ̀, ààbò ẹ̀mí kò sí pẹ̀lú ìkọlù láàárín darandaran àti àgbẹ̀ bí àwọn darandaran láti àríwá ṣe ń wọ gúúsù láti wá koríko fún ẹran ọ̀sìn-in wọn.


Also, human rights have taken a nose drive in his administration, with impunity and corruption at the highest levels of government.


Bákan náà, ẹ̀tọ́ ọmọnìyàn ti wó lulẹ̀ nínú ìṣàkóso ìjọba rẹ̀, pẹ̀lú àìjẹ̀yà àti ìṣowó-ìlú-mọ̀kumọ̀ku ní ibi gíga nínú ìjọba.


Atiku Abubakar [Image from Campaign Organisation Website].


Atiku Abubakar [Àwòrán Ibùdó-ìtàkùn-àgbáyé Ilé-iṣẹ́ ìpolongo].


Atiku Abubakar


Abubakar is the former vice president and candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party.


Abubakar ni igbá-kejì ààrẹ ìgbà kan àti òǹdíje lábẹ́ àsíá PDP.


He has tried in the past to win presidential elections but has not been successful.


Ó ti gbìyànjú sẹ́yìn láti di ààrẹ àmọ́ orí kò ṣe ní oore.


However, his campaign received a major boost with the reconciliation with his boss, former President Olusegun Obasanjo - who had described Buhari's administration as a failed government.


Bíótiwùkíórí, ìpolongo rẹ̀ jẹ́ ìgbàwọlé nítorí ìparí ìjà tí ó wà ní àárín òun àti ọ̀gáa rẹ̀, Ààrẹ ìgbà kan rí Olusegun Obasanjo - tí ó sọ wípé ìṣàkóso ìjọba Buhari kùnà.


As vice president, Abubakar oversaw the privatization and sale of hundreds of loss-making and poorly managed public enterprises.


Gẹ́gẹ́ bí amúgbálẹ́gbẹ̀ẹ́, Abubakar ni ó ṣe bònkárí ìsọhun-ìjọba-di-àdáni àti títa ọ̀kẹ́ àìmọye ilé iṣẹ́ tí ó jẹ́ ti ìjọba tí kò pa owó sí àpò ìjọba.


A few other presidential hopefuls to watch are:


Àwọn mìíràn tí ó ní ìrètí sí ipò ààrẹ Nàìjíríà ni:


Oby Ezekwesili [Image released by campaign organizers as media resource]


Oby Ezekwesili [Àwòrán tí àwọn alágbèékalẹ̀ ìpolongo tari síta]


Obiageli [Oby] Ezekwesili


Ezekwesili, the only major female candidate in this year's race, served as the minister of solid minerals and later education during the presidency of Olusegun Obasanjo between 1999 to 2007.


Ezekwesili, obìnrin kan ṣoṣo tí ó ń du ipò nínú eré ìbò sísá ti ọdún tí a wà yìí, ti ṣe mínísítà ọrọ̀ líle inú-ilẹ̀ àti ètò ẹ̀kọ́ ní àsìkò ìjọba Olusegun Obasanjo ní àárín ọdún 1999 sí 2007.


She was also former vice president of the Africa division of the World Bank from May 2007 to May 2012.


Ó sì ti ṣe amúgbálẹ́gbẹ̀ẹ́ ààrẹ Ilé ìfowópamọ́ Àgbáyé ẹ̀ka ti Ilẹ̀ Adúláwọ̀ ìgbà kan láti oṣù Igbe ọdún 2007 sí oṣù Igbe ọdún 2012.


Ezekwesili has been at the forefront of the call to rescue about 200 school girls who were abducted by the Boko Haram militant Islamic group in 2014.


Ezekwesili ti ṣe bẹbẹ nínú akitiyan ìdásílẹ̀ àwọn akẹ́kọ̀ọ́-bìnrin 200 tí ọmọ ẹgbẹ́ afẹ̀míṣòfo Ẹlẹ́sìn ìmale jí gbé ní ọdún 2014.


She is a co-founder of the #BringBackOurGirls (BBOG) Movement.


Ó jẹ́ ọ̀kan lára olùdásílẹ̀ Ìpolongo #BringBackOurGirls (BBOG).


She is also the presidential flag-bearer of the Allied Congress Party of Nigeria.


Bákan náà ni ó jẹ́ òǹdíje sí ipò ààrẹ ní abẹ́ ẹgbẹ́ olóṣèlú Allied Congress Party ti Nàìjíríà.


Kingsley Moghalu [Image from campaign website].


Kingsley Moghalu [Àwòrán láti ibùdó ìpolongo].


Kingsley Moghalu


Moghalu is a professor of international business and public policy at the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy at Tufts University in Massachusetts, USA.


Moghalu jẹ́ onímọ̀ nínú ìdókòwò àgbáyé àti òfin gbogbo ènìyàn ní ilé ìwé Òfin àti Ọgbọ́n Fletcher ní Ifásitì Tufts ní Massachusetts, USA.


Moghalu had previously worked in the United Nations from 1992 to 2008.


Moghalu ti ṣiṣẹ́ rí ní United Nations láti ọdún 1992 sí 2008.


"He was deputy governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria from 2009 to 2014, where ""he led extensive reforms in the Nigerian banking system after the global financial crisis."""


"Ó ti ṣe igbá-kejì gómìnà Ilé Ìfowópamọ́ Àgbà ti Nàìjíríà láti ọdún 2009 sí 2014, níbi tí ""ó ti tukọ̀ ọ àwọn àgbà iṣẹ́ àtúnṣe nínú ètò ìkówóoamọ́ orílẹ̀ èdè Nàìjíríà lẹ́yìn ìgbà tí ọrọ̀ Ajé àgbáyé ti ṣe òjòjò tán."""


He is the candidate of the Young Progressive Party.


Òun ni òǹdíje ní abẹ́ àsíá Ẹgbẹ́ Olóṣèlú Ìtẹ̀síwájú Ọ̀dọ́ - YPP.


Omoyele Sowore [Screen shot from CNBCAfrica interview, Dec 13, 2018].


Ọmọ́yẹlé Sowóre [Àwòrán ìfọ̀rọ̀wánilẹ́nuwò ní orí CNBCAfrica, ní ọjọ́ 13, oṣù Ọ̀pẹ, ọdún 2018].


Omoyole Sowore


Sowore is the founder and publisher of SaharaReporters (SR), an investigative online newspaper.


Sowore ni olùdásílẹ̀ àti atẹ̀wéjáde SaharaReporters (SR), ilé-iṣẹ́ oníròyìn aṣèwádìí orí-ayélujára.


SR has been described as Africa's Wikileaks.


SR ni à ń pè ní Wikileaks Ilé Adúláwọ̀.


This human rights activist is running under the banner of African Action Congress.


Ajà-fún-ẹ̀tọ́-ọmọnìyàn yìí ń jáde lábẹ́ àsíá African Action Congress.


The race is on for Nigeria's future


Aré ti ń lọ fún ọjọ́ iwájú orílẹ̀ èdè Nàìjíríà


Buhari and Abubakar are the major contenders in this race.


Buhari àti Abubakar ni afigagbága ìdíje ìbò aré yìí.


Both men have been constants in the political arena in Nigeria.


Àwọn méjèèjì ti ń figagbága nínú ìbò Nàìjíríà ní ọjọ́ tí ó ti pẹ́.


"On the other hand, Ezekwesili, Moghalu, Sowore, the ""third force,"" are a group making their first entry into the partisan political space."


"Ní ọ̀nà kejì, Ezekwesili, Moghalu, Sowore, àwọn ""agbára ìkẹ́ta,"" jẹ́ ẹgbẹ́ tí ó ń wọ inú ètò ìṣèlú fún ìgbà àkọ́kọ́."


Buhari will be running on the gains of his administration over the past three years and must contend with the fact that Nigeria was recently ranked as the poverty capital of the world.


Iṣẹ́ ìṣàkóso Buhari ọdún mẹ́ta ni yóò gbè é lẹ́yìn àti pé yóò bá ìfi Nàìjíríà sí ipò olú orílẹ̀-èdè tí ìṣẹ́ ti pọ̀ jù.


"The Punch newspaper described Buhari's ""parochial appointments"" as ""unprecedented"" and has left the country deeply divided."


"Ìwé ìròyìn Punch ṣe ìfojúsùn ""ìpèsípò"" gẹ́gẹ́ bí ""àìròtẹ́lẹ̀ "" àti pé ó ti pín ìlú yẹ́bẹyẹ̀bẹ."


His fight against corruption appears selective and punitive.


Ètò ìgbógunti ìwà àjẹbánu rẹ̀ fì sí ẹ̀gbẹ́ kan.


"The recent move to try the Chief Justice of the Federation - so close to the presidential election - was described by the Nigerian Bar Association as ""a pattern of consistent assault on the heads of the two independent arms of government"" by the Buhari administration."


"Ìgbésẹ̀ tí ó gbé láì pẹ́ yìí láti ṣe ìgbẹ́jọ́ Adájọ́ Àgbà orílẹ̀ èdè - tí ó ti sún mọ́ ìbò ààrẹ - ni Àjọ Adájọ́ orílẹ̀ èdè Nàìjíríà Nigerian Bar Association pè ní ""àwòṣe ìkọlù ní lemọ́lemọ́ ní orí àwọn àgbà ẹ̀ka ìjọba méjèèjì tí-kò-gbáralé ìjọba"" ní abẹ́ ìṣàkóso Buhari."


"Abubakar, on the other hand, is riding on the ""gains"" of ""multiple lucrative business interests."""


"Abubakar, ní ọ̀nà kejì, ń dúró lórí ""ìgbẹ́kẹ̀lé"" àwọn ""ẹgbẹlẹmùkù okòwò tí ó ní èrè lóríi rẹ̀ ."""


However, he has an uphill task considering the power of incumbency of his major opponent.


Bíótiwùkíórí, ó ní láti bá agbára ìwàlóríoyè afigagbága rẹ̀ takọ̀ngbọ̀n.


Whoever wins the 2019 elections will face enormous challenges like the strengthening the economy, internal security, restructuring power and power devolution, and ethnoreligious politics.


Ẹni yòówù tí ó bá gbégbá-orókè nínú ìdíje sí ipò ààrẹ ọdún 2019 ní iṣẹ́ ìmúgbòòrò ọrọ̀ Ajé, ààbò ní àárín ìlú, àtúntò agbára àti ìmúkárí agbára, àti ìṣèlú elẹ́yàmẹyà làti ṣe.


Singled out for search at a Serbian supermarket, Roma opera superstar accuses the store of racism


Fún ìyọsọ́tọ̀ tí wọ́n yọ òun nìkan láti yẹ ara rẹ̀ wò ní ilé ìtajà ìgbàlódé kan ní Serbia, gbajúgbajà ìràwọ̀ òṣèré orí-ìtàgé Roma fi ẹ̀sùn ìwà elẹ́yàmẹyà kan ilé ìtajà náà


Nataša Tasić Knežević, photo by Dzenet Koko, used with permission.


Serbian opera star Nataša Tasić Knežević, photo by Dzenet Koko, used with permission.


Ìràwọ̀ òṣèré orí-ìtàgé ìlú Serbia Nataša Tasić Knežević, àwòrán láti ọwọ́ọ Dzenet Koko, a lò ó pẹ̀lú àṣẹ.


Serbian social networks were set ablaze after opera singer and local superstar Nataša Tasić Knežević, who is of Roma origin, accused a supermarket in the city of Novi Sad of racial profiling on a live broadcast on Facebook.


Àwọn gbàgede ìtàkùrọ̀sọ ẹ̀rọ-alátagbà ìlú Serbia gbaná lẹ́yìn tí olórin àti òṣèré ìbílẹ̀ Nataša Tasić Knežević, tí ó jẹ́ ọmọ bíbí ilẹ̀ Roma fi ẹ̀sùn kan ilé ìtajà-ìgbàlóde kan tí ó wà ní ìgboro Novi Sad fún ìwà ìyàsọ́tọ̀ ẹ̀yà nínú ìgbóhùnsáfẹ́fẹ́ ojú-ẹsẹ̀ kan lórí Facebook.


In the video, broadcast on December 29 right after the incident, Ms. Tasić Knežević explained that as she exited the Maxi supermarket store along with several other shoppers, the anti-theft sensor beeped.


Nínú fídíò náà, tí ó gbé-sórí-áfẹ́fẹ́ ní ọjọ́ 29, oṣù Ọ̀pẹ lẹ́yìn tí ìṣẹ̀lẹ̀ náà ṣẹ̀, arábìnrin Tasić Knežević ṣàlàyé pé bí òun ṣe ń jáde síta nínú ilé ìtajà ńlá náà pẹ̀lú ọ̀pọ̀ àwọn òǹrajà mìíràn ni ẹ̀rọ adènà àfọwọ́rá dún.


While everyone else was allowed to leave, the store's security officers told her to stay and proceeded to search her in public while onlookers heckled her.


Bí àwọn ènìyàn yòókù ṣe ń jáde síta, àwọn ẹ̀ṣọ́-aláàbò ilé ìtajà náà ní kí ó dúró tí wọ́n sì tẹ̀síwajú láti yẹ ara rẹ̀ wò ní gbangba tí àwọn òǹwòran bẹ̀rẹ̀ sí í fi ṣe yẹ̀yẹ́.


In her backpack, they only found sheet music, books, and a wallet.


Ìwé orin, ìwé àti àpò-àpawómọ́-ìléwọ́ ni wọ́n rí nínú àpò-àgbékọ́yìn-in rẹ̀.


In the first days of January 2019, the video suddenly vanished from the platform along with Ms. Knežević's profile.


Ní ìbẹ̀rẹ̀ oṣù Ṣẹẹrẹ ọdún 2019, fídíò náà dédé pòórá pẹ̀lú àlàyé ránńpẹ́ nípa arábìnrin Knežević.


Although she hasn't publicly explained what happened, many speculate that she has removed them herself to de-escalate the turmoil.


Bíótilẹ̀jẹ́pé kòì tíì wá sí gbangba kí ó ṣàlàyé ohun tí ó ṣẹlẹ̀, àwọn ẹlòmíràn ń sọ pé fúnra rẹ̀ ni ó yọ ọ́ kí ọ̀ràn tó wà nílẹ̀ lè tán bọ̀rọ̀.


In just a few days, her video amassed over 60 thousand views, was shared around 350 times and received around 700 reactions.


Láàárín ọjọ́ díẹ̀, àwọn ènìyàn tí ó tó bíi ẹgbẹ̀rún 60 ti wo fídíò rẹ̀, tí wọ́n sì pín in lọ́nà 350, tí ó sì gba èsì tí ó tó 700.


Independent news portal Buka was the first to report the incident, followed by other Balkan media.


Ilé-iṣẹ́ Ìkóròyìnjọ Orí-ayélujára Olómìnira Bulka ni ó kọ́kọ́ ro ìyìn ìṣẹ̀lẹ̀ náà ṣáájú àwọn ilé-iṣẹ́ ìròyìn Bulka mìíràn.


Ms. Tasić Knežević is a soprano at the Serbian National Theatre, located in Novi Sad, the country's second largest city.


Akọrin-olóhùn-òkè ni arábìnrin Tasić Knežević ní Gbọ̀ngan Eré-ìtàgé ti orílẹ̀-èdè Serbia tí ó wà ní Novi Sad, ìlú kejì tí ó tóbi jù lọ ní orílẹ̀-èdè náà.


Previously, she worked in the Belgrade theater Atelje 212.


Tẹ́lẹ̀ rí, ó ṣiṣẹ́ ní Belgrade Atelje 212.


She is also a choir performer and a soloist of popular music and often sings of her own Roma heritage.


Ó tún jẹ́ akọrin-ṣeré àti àdánìkànkọrin tí ó gbajúmọ̀, ó sì máa ń kọ orin àdánìkànkọ nípa àṣà Roma tí ó jẹ́ orírun rẹ̀.


In the video, Ms Knežević says the store manager apologized to her after she complained about the maltreatment, but that she was still hurt by the mob's harassment.


Nínú fídíò náà, arábìnrin Knežević sọ pé alábòójútó ilé ìtajà náà bẹ̀bẹ̀ lẹ́yìn tí òun ṣe àròyé nípa ìwọ̀sí náà, ṣùgbọ́n pé inú òun kò dùn sí bí àwọn èrò tí ó pé jọ lé òun lórí ṣe yẹ̀yẹ́ òun.


"She says one older man shouted that they ""should pack that garbage out,"" meaning that employees should throw her out of the store, supposedly for her being Roma."


"Ó ní ọkùnrin àgbàlagbà kan pariwo pé kí wọ́n ""kó pàǹtí yẹn jáde,"" ìyẹn túmọ̀ sí wípé kí àwọn òṣìṣẹ́ ó ju òun jáde síta nínú ilé ìtajà náà nítorí pé òun jẹ́ ọmọ ìbílẹ̀ Rome."


"""It is known who likes to steal around here!"" is a sentence from the movie ""Who's Singin"" Over There?"" about events taking place on 5 April 1941."


"""A mọ ẹni tí ó fẹ́ràn láti máa jalè níbí"" jẹ́ gbólóhùn kan láti inú eré ""Ta ni ó ń kọrin níbẹ̀ yẹn!"" nípa àwọn ìṣẹ̀lẹ̀ tí ó ń ṣẹlẹ̀ ní ọjọ́ 5, oṣù Èbìbí ọdún 1971."


77 years later this [discriminatory stereotype] is not rooted out from our mentality.


Lẹ́yìn ọdún 77, èyí [èrò ìyàsọ́tọ̀] ò tí ì kúrò ní ìrònúu wa.


The company [owning Maxi markets] is Dutch-Belgian but the employees are our people! For shame!


Ilé-iṣẹ́ [tí ó ni ilé ìtajà Maxi] náà jẹ́ ti àwọn Dutch-Belgian ṣùgbọ́n àwọn ènìyàn-an wa ni àwọn òṣìṣẹ́ẹ wọn!


Support for the wonderful woman and artist @NatasaTasicKnez.


Ohun ìtìjú! Àtìlẹyìn fún obìnrin gidi àti òṣèré yìí @NatasaTasicKnez.


"""Who's Singin"" Over There?"" is a 1980s Yugoslavian movie that has achieved cult status in the Balkans."


"""Ta ni ó ń kọrin níbẹ̀ yẹn?"" jẹ́ eré Yugoslavia ayé ìgbà 1980 tí ó sì di ipò ẹgbẹ́-ìmùlẹ̀ láàárín àwọn Balkan."


In the story, two Roma musicians are wrongfully accused of theft and barely manage to escape alive from a lynching attempt.


Nínú ìtàn náà, wọ́n ṣèṣì fẹ̀sùn olè kan àwọn olórin Roma méjì, orí ni ó kó wọn yọ lọ́wọ́ ìjìyà láìsí ìdájọ́.


The parent company of Maxi supermarkets, Delez Srbija, issued an official apology on the same day.


Ilé-iṣẹ́ tí ó ni ilé ìtajà-ìgbàlóde Maxi, Delez Srbija, ṣe àgbéjáde àkọsílẹ̀ ìtúúbá lọ́jọ́ kan náà.


"It stated that it ""believes that this would remain an isolated incident of inappropriate individual reaction and that there won't be similar situations in the future."""


"Ó sọ pé àwọn ""gbàgbọ́ pé èyí á wà bí ìṣẹ̀lẹ̀ ìyàsọ́tọ̀ tí ó mú ìfura ẹni tí kò yẹ dání pé irú ìṣẹ̀lẹ̀ bẹ́ẹ̀ ò ní wáyé mọ́ lọ́jọ́ iwájú."


The company has added that it will conduct formal training of their employees on appropriate conduct upon suspicion of theft.


Ilé-iṣẹ́ náà fi kún un pé àwọn á ṣe ìdánilẹ́kọ̀ọ́ fún àwọn òṣìṣẹ́ wọn lórí bí a ṣe ń hùwà bí wọ́n bá fura sí olè jíjà.


The next day, Miloš Nikolić, the Director of Office for Roma Inclusion of Novi Sad, officially condemned the incident.


Ní ọjọ́ kejì, Miloš Nikolić tí ó jẹ́ adarí ọ́fíìsì tí ó ń ṣe àfikún Novi Sad mọ́ Roma sọ̀rọ̀ tako ìṣẹ̀lẹ̀ náà.


He said: All available research shows that Roma men and women are the most discriminated groups in our country.


Ó ní; gbogbo ìwádìí tí wọ́n ṣe fi hàn pé àwọn ará Roma lọ́kùnrin lóbìnrin ni ẹ̀yà tí a yà sọ́tọ̀ jù lọ ní orílẹ̀-èdèe wa.


We have to work together to change it!


A ní láti ṣiṣẹ́ pọ̀ láti yí i padà!


"On December 31, Serbian Deputy Prime Minister and President of the Gender Equality Coordination Body, Zorana Mihajlović, also decried the behavior of Maxi store employees as ""scandalous and for condemnation."


"Ní 31 oṣù Ọpẹ, Igbá-kejì Alákòóso Ìgbìmọ̀ Ìjọba àti Ààrẹ Àjọ-tí-ó-ń-fètò-sí Ìmúdọ́gba Akọ-àtabo ní àwùjọ, Zorana Mihajlović náà sọ̀rọ̀ tako àwọn òṣìṣẹ́ ilé ìtajà Maxi pé ""ìwà ìbanilórúkọjẹ́ ni wọ́n hù àti pé wọ́n jẹ̀bi."


She did not announce any concrete measures to address the broader issue of discrimination against people of Roma descent in Serbia.


Kò sọ̀rọ̀ nípa àwọn ohun tí ó yẹ kí wọ́n ṣe sí ìyàsọ́tọ̀ àwọn ọmọ Roma ní Serbia.


While Ms. Knežević seems to have removed her profile from Facebook, possibly to de-escalate the turmoil, she has retained her Twitter profile.


Bíótilẹ̀jẹ́pé ó dàbí ẹni pé arábìnrin Knežević ti yọ ara rẹ̀ kúrò lórí Facebook, bóyá láti lè jẹ́ kí ọ̀ràn náà ó silẹ̀, ó fi àlàyé-nípa-ara rẹ̀ orí Twitter sílẹ̀.


On New Year's Eve, she posted a short message referring to the incident.


Ní alẹ́ ọjọ́ tí ó ṣíwájú Ọdún Tuntun, ó fi àtẹ̀jáde ṣókí sọ nípa ìṣẹ̀lẹ̀ náà.


Dear friends, a very unpleasant situation took place few days ago, but I hope all such situations will remain in 2018 and that similar event won't occur any more.


Ẹ̀yin ọ̀rẹ́ẹ̀ mi ọ̀wọ́n, ìṣẹ̀lẹ̀ tí kò dùn mọ́ni nínú kan ṣẹlẹ̀ ní ọjọ́ mélòó kan sẹ́yìn, ṣùgbọ́n mo nírètí pé irú ìṣẹ̀lẹ̀ náà á pín pẹ̀lú ọdun 2018 àti pé irú ìṣẹ̀lẹ̀ bẹ́ẹ̀ ò ní wáyé mọ́.


Let us all be human beings, that is the only good thing on this world. <3


Ẹ jẹ́ kí a jẹ́ ènìyàn ẹlẹ́ran ara, ohun tí ó dára jù ní ayé yìí nìyẹn. <3


The beef between two Trinidad and Tobago soca stars is a nod to age-old musical traditions


Ìjà láàárín ìràwọ̀ akọrin soca Trinidad àti Tobago jẹ́ àmì tí ó dára fún orin àtijọ́


Trinidadian soca star Machel Montano performing at OVO Fest in Toronto in 2016. PHOTO: The Come Up Show (CC BY-ND 2.0)


Ìràwọ̀ akọrin soca ìlú Trinidad Machel Montano ń ṣeré ní Àjọ̀dún OVO ní Toronto ní ọdún 2016. ÀWÒRÁN: The Come Up Show (CC BY-ND 2.0)


Private grouses have a funny way of becoming public feuds - especially in the music industry.


Gbólóhùn asọ̀ láàárín ẹni méjì ní ọ̀nà àrà tí ó gbà di ìjà ìgboro - papàá nínú iṣẹ́ orin kíkọ.


From high-profile beefs like the ones between Kanye West and Taylor Swift and Jamaica's Mavado and Vybz Kartel, to the more local but equally infamous 2004 fight between Trinidadian soca stars Destra and Denise Belfon, celebrity quarrels often end up bringing attention to the artists and drawing new audiences to their music.


Ìjà mo jù rẹ́ lọ láàárín àwọn ọ̀jẹ̀ bíi ti Kanye West àti Taylor Swift àti ọmọ Jamaica Mavado àti Vybz Kartel, títí kan ìjà ìbílẹ̀ ọdún 2004 ní àárín-in akọrin soca ìlú Trinidad méjì Destra àti Denise Belfon, ìjà mo jù ọ́ lọ àwọn gbajúgbajà sábà máa ń já sí ìpolongo fún akọrin àti orin wọn.


"Now, thanks to a burgeoning battle between Trinidad and Tobago entertainers Machel Montano and Neil ""Iwer"" George, soca music officially has its first spat of 2019."


"Wàyí, ọpẹ́ fún asọ̀ tí ó wà ní àárín-in akọrin adìde Trinidad àti Tobago méjì Machel Montano àti Neil ""Iwer"" George, orin soca wọ ìròyìn fún ìgbà àkọ́kọ́ ní ọdún 2019."


Trinidad and Tobago's annual Carnival celebrations take place this year on March 4 and 5, and the lead up is peak time for soca music.


Ayẹyẹ ijó ìta-gbangba ọlọ́dọọdún Trinidad àti Tobago tí ọdún yìí wáyé ní ọjọ́ 4 àti 5 oṣù Ẹrẹ́nà, tí ó sì jẹ́ àkókò fún orin soca.


Popular soca performers like Montano and George are booked for Carnival events months in advance.


Ọ̀jẹ̀ olórée soca bíi Montano àti George ti gba ìpè láti ṣeré níbi ètò ijó ìta-gbangba kí ọjọ́ ó tó kò rárá.


They're releasing new music in a bid to win the coveted Road March title, which offers a substantial monetary prize to the artist whose song plays the most during Carnival.


Wọn yóò gbé orin tuntun jáde ní ìpalẹ̀mọ́ fún ẹni tí yóò gbégbáorókè nínú ìdíje Ìwọ́de Ojúná, tí ó ń gbé ẹ̀bùn owó sílẹ̀ fún akọrin tí a bá kọ orin rẹ̀ jù lọ nínú Ijó ìta-gbangba.


Screenshot from a Vimeo video of Trinidadian soca star Iwer George performing at Return Fête in Toronto in 2018.


Àwòrán ìràwọ̀ akọrin soca ti Trinidad Iwer George ní Ìdápadà Fête ní Toronto ní ọdún 2018 tí a mú láti fídíò orí Vimeo.


"Soca music lovers first noticed tension between the two musicians when George released his first song of 2019, ""Road March Bacchanal 2."""


"Àwọn olólùfẹ́ẹ orin Soca ṣe àkíyèsí àròyé ọ̀tẹ̀ láàárín-in akọrin méjèèjì nígbà tí George gbé orin àkọ́ṣe ọdún 2019 jáde, ""Ìwọ́de Ojúná Bacchanal 2."""


The song's lyrics makes it clear that George holds a grudge after losing the 2018 Road March battle to Montano.


Orin náà kò fi igbákanbọ̀kan nínú nípa ìkùnsínú tí ó wà nílẹ̀ látàrí ìpàdánù ìfigagbága ọdún 2018 tí Montana jáwé olúborí.


"His composition, ""Savannah,"" was a strong contender, but Montano had teamed up with soca veteran Superblue to release ""Soca Kingdom,"" which copped the coveted 2018 Road March title."


"Orin rẹ̀ tí a pè ní ""Savannah,"" bá ti ẹnìkejì figagbága, ṣùgbọ́n Montana tí pàdí-àpò-pọ̀ pẹ̀lú ògbóǹtarigi akọrin soca Superblue wọ́n sì ṣe àgbéjáde ""Soca Kingdom,"" tí ó gba oyè orin Ìwọ́de Ojúná ọdún 2018."


"""Soca Kingdom"" was played 336 times, and ""Savannah"" 140."


"Iye ìgbà 336 ni a kọ orin ""Soca Kingdom,"" a sì kọ ""Savannah"" fún iye ìgbà 140."


"Bringing his personal disappointment into the public domain, George's lyrics accused the ""soca mafia"" - ostensibly a group of deejays and radio station owners - of conspiring to play ""Soca Kingdom"" at the all judging points."


"Ìpàdánù oyè yìí ni ó fa ìbínú ní ìta-gbangba, George fi orin fẹ̀sùn kan ""jàndùkú soca"" - ìyẹn àkójọpọ̀ òṣìṣẹ́ ilé iṣẹ́ agbóhùnsáfẹ́fẹ́ àti olùdaríI wọn - fún ìpàdíàpòpọ̀ tí ó mú wọn kọ orin ""Soca Kingdom"" ní àsìkò ìdájọ́ láti yan ẹni tí ó jáwé olúborí."


He sings:


Ó kọrin:


"On the stage was a next set of drama, the DJs and them playing ""Savannah"""


"Lórí ìtàgé ni eré tí ó kàn-án wà, àwọn DJ àti wọn ń kọ ""Savannah"""


"But when the mafia come, they switching from ""Savannah"" to ""Kingdom"""


"Ṣùgbọ́n nígbà tí àwọn jàndùkú dé, wọ́n sún láti ""Savannah"" sí ""Kingdom"""


They join forces to win the big fight... this year you have to team up with Jesus Christ


Wọ́n pawọ́pọ̀ láti borí ìjà ńlá náà... lọ́dún yìí ẹ ní láti pawọ́pọ̀ pẹ̀lú Jésù Kristì ọmọ Màríà


"In another version of the song, George accuses Montano of ""bad talking"" him, and belittles the honorary doctorate Montano recently received from the University of Trinidad and Tobago for his contribution to soca music."


"Nínú ẹ̀dà orin náà mìíràn , George fi ẹ̀sùn kan Montana pé ó ń ""sọ ọ̀rọ̀ àlùfànṣá"" sí òun, ó sì fi ẹnu tẹ́ oyè ọ̀mọ̀wé tí Montano ṣẹ̀ṣẹ̀ gbà ní Ifásitì Trinidad àti Tobago látàrí ipa tí ó kó ní ti ìgbélárugẹ orin soca."


"Soon after George's song was released, Montano responded with ""Dr. Mashup,"" in which he directly addressed allegations of rigging the Road March contest:"


"Kò pẹ́ tí a gbé orin George jáde, Montano fèsì pẹ̀lú orin tí a pe àkọlée rẹ̀ ní ""Dr. Mashup,"" nínúu rẹ̀ ni ó ti sọ màdàrú tí wọ́n ṣe níbi ìdíje Ìwọ́de Ojúná:"


"That was not the end of it: at a new Carnival party, ""Hydrate,"" on January 13, both artists performed. George included his new verse and Montano supposedly had the last word:"


"Kò tán síbẹ̀: níbi ayẹyẹ Ijó ìta-gbangba tuntun, ""Hydrate,"" ní ọjọ́ 13 oṣù Ṣẹrẹ, àwọn akọrin méjèèjì ṣeré. George lé orin rẹ̀ tuntun Montano náà sọ ọ̀rọ̀ ìkẹyìn:"


After their performances, Montano's manager, Anthony Chow Lin On, posted a photo to Instagram in which he comically holds the two apart:


Lẹ́yìn eré, alábòójútó Montano, Anthony Chow Lin On, tari àwòrán kan sí orí Instagram tí ó fi ara jọ ẹ̀fẹ̀ ìtúká ẹni méjì tí ó ń jà:


The post left fans to wonder if the feud was real or simply a publicity stunt:


Àtẹ̀jáde náà mú ìfura dání bóyá ìjà tòótọ́ ni tàbí ète lásán-làsàn:


"Stunt or not, many social media users following the feud have pointed out that this type of lyrical sparring (known as a ""sound clash"") is not new; in fact, it is intricately woven into the origins of calypso music, and its modern-day hybrid, soca."


"Ète tàbí bẹ́ẹ̀ kọ́, ọ̀pọ̀lọpọ̀ òǹlo ẹ̀rọ-alátagbà tó ń tẹ̀lé awuyewuye náà ti tọ́ka sí irúfẹ́ àríyànjiyàn orin báyìí (tí a mọ̀ sí ""orin ìjà"") kò jẹ́ tuntun; àti pé, ó bá orísun orin calypso mu, ó sì jẹ́ àmúlùmálà, soca."


"In a recent interview, George himself addressed the fact that he was just ""documenting the history"" as he ""always does,"" following the path of legendary calypsonians who did the same."


"Nínú ìfọ̀rọ̀wánilẹ́nuwò kan, George fúnra rẹ̀ sọ òtítọ́ ibẹ̀ wípé òun kàn ń ""ṣe àkópamọ́ ìṣẹ̀lẹ̀ àtijọ́ "" gẹ́gẹ́ ""bí ó ṣe máa ń ṣe,"" títọpa àwọn ènìyàn jàǹkàn-jàǹkàn tí ó ti kọ orin calypso sẹ́yìn."


While calypso music is well known for its social and political commentary, an early form of the music involved verbal dueling similar to the war of words taking place between George and Montano.


Orin calypso jẹ́ ìlúmọ̀nánká tí ó máa ń sọ nípa àwùjọ àti ìṣèlú, ní ìbẹ̀rẹ̀ pẹ̀pẹ̀ orin náà ni ìsọ̀rọ̀ síra ẹni méjì tí ó fi ara pẹ́ ogun ọ̀rọ̀ tí ó ń lọ ní àárín-in George àti Montano.


"Calypso tents, where calypsonians perform during the Carnival season, were hugely popular for their ""extempo wars,"" live contests in which singers would improvise lyrics on the spot mocking each other, or on a specific theme."


"Abẹ́ àtíbàbà orin Calypso, níbi tí àwọn eléré calipso ti máa ń ṣeré ní àsìkò Ijó ìta-gbangba, gbajúmọ̀ fún ""ogun àìròtẹ́lẹ̀ ,"" ìdíje tí àwọn akọrin yóò kọrin èébú sí ara wọn láì rò tẹ́lẹ̀ lójú ẹsẹ̀, tàbí lórí àkọ́lé kan."


"The banter between the performers is locally referred to as ""picong."""


"Ìfigagbága àwọn akọrin wọ̀nyí ni a mọ̀ sí ""picong."""


"Such performances are typically interactive, with audiences echoing one of several refrains, the most common of which is ""Santimanitay!,"" a derivative of the French phrase ""sans humanité,"" or ""without pity."""


"Irúfẹ́ eré wọ̀nyí máa ń fi àyè gba ìdásí, tí àwọn olùwòràn yóò máa gbe orin, ọ̀kan tí ó wọ́pọ̀ jù lọ ni ""Santimanitay!,"" tí ó jẹ́ ẹ̀dà àbọ̀-ọ̀rọ̀ Faransé ""sans humanité,"" tàbí ""àìláàánú."""


But audiences have rarely witnessed a back-and-forth like this in recorded soca music.


Àmọ́ àwọn òǹwòrán kò ì tíì rí irú èyí rí nínú orin soca tí a ti ká sílẹ̀.


And real or not, the George/Montano feud has listeners as engaged as any extempo wars audience, both at Carnival events and online.


Ó jẹ́ òtítọ́ tàbí kò jẹ́ òtítọ́, àwọn olólùfẹ́ẹ George/Montano dá sí ogun àìròtẹ́lẹ̀ wọn gẹ́gẹ́ bí olùwòràn, ní Ijó ìta-gbangba àti lórí ayélujára.


George and Montano will, very likely, both in the running for the 2019 Road March title and at the very least, the added drama makes for good entertainment and more music.


George àti Montano yô, láì sí àní-àní, nínú ìdíje Ìwọ́de Ojúná ọdún 2019 àti èyí tí ó kéré jù lọ, awuyewuye ìjà gẹ́gẹ́ bí ìdárayá gidi àti orin.


Soca lovers could ask for nothing more.


Àwọn olólùfẹ́ẹ Soca kò le è béèrè ju bẹ́hẹ̀ lọ.


The Spiny Babbler, Nepal's only endemic bird, fascinates ornithologists and bird lovers alike


Spiny Babbler, ẹyẹ orílẹ̀-èdè Nepal, fa àwọn onímọ̀-nípa-ẹyẹ àti olólùfẹ́ ẹyẹ mọ́ra


Spiny Babbler


Spiny Babbler, the bird found only in Nepal. Photo by Sagar Giri. Used with permission.


Spiny Babbler, ẹyẹ tí a kò le è rí níbòmìrán àyàfi ní Nepal. Àwòrán láti ọwọ́ọ Sagar Giri. A lò ó pẹ̀lú àṣẹ.


Although more than 800 bird species are found in Nepal, the Spiny Babbler (Turdoides nipalensis) is the only bird that is endemic to the country.


Bí-ó-ti-lẹ-jẹ́-pé ẹ̀yà ẹyẹ orílẹ̀ èdè Nepal ju 800 lọ, ẹyẹ Spiny Babbler (Turdoides nipalensis) jẹ́ ẹ̀dá tí kò sí ní ibòmíràn àyàfi orílẹ̀ èdè náà.


The greyish-brown bird, called Kaande Bhyakur in Nepali, lives in dense scrub and can be spotted more easily at elevations ranging from 500 meters to 2135 meters.


Ẹyẹ aláwọ̀ eérú-àti-pupa-rẹ́súrẹ́sú náà, tí à ń pè ní Kaande Bhyakur ní èdè ìbílẹ̀ Nepali, ń fi igbó ṣe ìtẹ́ a sì lè fi ojú bà á bí ó bá ń fò lókè lálá láti ìwọ̀n mítà 500 sí mítà 2135.


Although the Spiny Babbler has been fascinating ornithologists the world around for years, environmental degradation is threatening this unique, much-loved bird.


Bí ó ti lẹ̀ jẹ́ pé Spiny Babbler náà ti fa àwọn onímọ̀-nípa-ẹyẹ àgbáyé mọ́ra fún ọdún pípẹ́, ìbàjẹ́ àyíká ti ń ṣe ìdẹ́rùbà àkàndá, ẹyẹ tí àwọn ènìyàn fẹ́ràn yìí.


The book The Status of Nepal's Birds: The National Red List Series states:


Ìwée nì The Status of Nepal's Birds: The National Red List Series sọ wípé:


It seeks insects almost entirely on the ground among low bushes, appearing only occasionally.


Ó máa ń wá kòkòrò nínú koríko ilẹ̀, ẹ̀kànànkan ni a sì máa ń rí i.


Spiny Babbler mounts branches of bushes or small trees to sing, bill pointed upward and tail down. It is a good mimic, with squeaks, chuckles and chirps.


Spiny Babbler máa ń bà lé ẹ̀ka koríko àti igi kéékèèké láti kọrin, àgógó ẹnu ẹyẹ yóò wà ní òkè irú ní ìsàlẹ̀.


It is most easily located by its song and occasionally sings as late as September and October. The species is subject to seasonal altitudinal movements.


Ó dára ní wíwò, iké oríṣiríṣi. Orin rẹ̀ ni a fi ń mọ ibi tí ó wà, àárín oṣù Ọ̀wẹwẹ̀ àti Ọ̀wàrà. Ẹ̀dá ẹyẹ yìí máa ń fò sókè lálá nínú àwọn àkókò kan nínú ọdún.


The Spiny Babbler, found only in Nepal, has fascinated ornithologists and bird lovers from around the world. Don Messerschmidt writes about ornithologist S. Dillon Ripley's account of the bird in his book Search for the Spiny Babbler:


Ẹyẹ Spiny Babbler, tí a lè rí ní Nepal nìkan, ti fa àwọn onímọ̀-nípa-ẹyẹ àti olólùfẹ́ ẹyẹ káríayé mọ́ra. Don Messerschmidt kọ nípa àkọsílẹ̀ tí onímọ̀-nípa-ẹyẹ S. Dillon Ripley ṣe nípa ẹyẹ náà nínú ìwée rẹ̀ Ìṣàwárí ẹyẹ Spiny Babbler:


It was a species that had defied scientists for years, since 1843 or 1844.


Ó jẹ́ ọ̀wọ̀ ẹyẹ tí kò ka àwọn onímọ̀ ìjìnlẹ̀ sáyẹ́ǹsì sí fún ọdún gbọgbọrọ, láti ọdún 1843 tàbí 1844.


At that time Brian Hodgson's Nepali collectors working for him in the unknown vastnesses of Nepal had secured several specimens, he writes.


Ní ìgbà yẹn àwọn aṣiṣẹ́ fún Brian Hodgson tí ó jẹ́ aṣèwádìí Nepali tí ṣe àkójọ onírúurú àpẹẹrẹ, ó kọ.


The Spiny Babbler had remained a mystery ever since, one of the five species of Indian birds, which, along with the Mountain Quail, had apparently vanished from the face of the earth.


Ẹyẹ Spiny Babbler ti jẹ́ ẹranko tí ó ju ìmọ̀ ènìyàn lọ ní ọjọ́ tí ó ti pẹ́, ọ̀kan nínú ọ̀wọ̀ ẹyẹ márùn-ún ní India, pẹ̀lú Àparò Òkè gíga, kò sí lórílẹ̀ ayé mọ́n.


But not quite, for if my guess was right, here it was hopping about large as life on the wooded slopes above Rekcha.


Ṣùgbọ́n bí èrò mi bá jẹ́ òtítọ́, ó ń fò kiri níbi ní gẹ̀rẹ́gẹ̀rẹ́ òkè Rekcha.


Likewise, former-American ambassador to Nepal Scott DeLisi spent years trying to spot and photograph this bird.


Bẹ́ẹ̀ gẹ́gẹ́, ikọ̀-ọba orílẹ̀-èdè America tẹ́lẹ̀ sí ìlú Nepal Scott DeLisi fi ọ̀pọ̀ ọdún wá ẹyẹ yìí àti láti ya àwòrán-an rẹ̀.


The bird is threatened by the clearance of scrub for agriculture and expansion of urban areas.


Ẹyẹ náà ti ń dínkù látàrí ìgbẹ́ pípa fún iṣẹ́ ọ̀gbìn àti ìtẹ́lọ ìgbèríko di ìgboro.


Outside protected areas, it is sometimes threatened by hunting, and the hills surrounding the Kathmandu Valley have seen a decline in Spiny Babbler numbers.


Bí a bá yọ ti agbègbè ààbò kúrò, nígbà mìíràn pípa ẹyẹ yìí fún oúnjẹ, ní òkè kékeré tí ó yí àfonífojì Kathmandu ká ti mú kí ẹyẹ Spiny Babbler dínkù ni iye.


However, the same habitat loss that is destroying the Spiny Babbler's habitat in some areas might actually be creating more in others.


Síbẹ̀, ohun tí ó ń fa àdánù ní agbègbè kan náà lè mú wọn pọ̀ ní agbègbè mìíràn.


As the forest continues to thin due to deforestation throughout the country, the scrub-dominated habitat that they call home is being created in its wake.


Bí igbó ṣe ń dínkù látàrí ìgbẹ́ pípa àti igi gẹdú gígé jákèjádò orílẹ̀ èdè náà, igbó tí wọ́n fi ṣe ilé ti di ti nǹkan mìíràn.


But only time will tell what is in store for the population of Nepal's only endemic bird.


Àmọ́ ṣá ìgbà àti àkókò ni yóò sọ ohun tí yóò ṣẹlẹ̀ sí àwọn ẹyẹ ìlú Nepal tí kò sí ní ibòmíràn.


Nigeria's retired military generals battle for influence in 2019 presidential elections


Àwọn ọ̀gágun ajagun fẹ̀yìntì orílẹ̀-èdè Nàìjíríà wọ̀yáàjà láti nípa lórí ètò ìdìbò ọdún-un 2019


Olusegun Obasanjo, former President of Nigeria.


Olúṣẹ́gun Ọbásanjọ́, Ààrẹ àná orílẹ̀-èdè Nàìjíríà.


As Nigeria prepares for another presidential election in February, retired military generals turned politicians are key to understanding Nigeria's political space.


Bí orílẹ̀-èdè Nàìjíríà ṣe ń múra fún ètò ìdìbò sí ipò Ààrẹ nínú Oṣù Èrèlé, àwọn ọ̀gágun tí ó ti jagun fẹ̀yìntì tí wọn di olóṣèlú, jẹ́ igi gbòógì fún òye ètò òṣèlú orílẹ̀-èdè Nàìjíríà.


Nigeria has been ruled by either former generals or those who have their support since 1999 when democratic governance returned.


Àwọn ọ̀gágun tí ó ti fẹ̀yìntì tàbí àwọn tí wọn ṣe àtìlẹ́yìn fún láti dé orí ipò ni ó ti ń tukọ̀ orílẹ̀-èdè Nàìjíríà láti ọdún 1999 tí ìjọba tiwantiwa ti padà.


The recent public feud between former President Olusegun Obasanjo and the incumbent President Muhammadu Buhari - both retired military dictators - has a great impact on next month's elections.


Asọ̀ tí ó wáyé láìpẹ́ yìí láàárín Ààrẹ àná, Olúsẹ́gun Ọbásanjọ́ àti Ààrẹ tí ó wà lórí àlééfà, Ààrẹ Muhammadu Buhari - tí àwọn méjèèjì jẹ́ ajagun fẹ̀yìntì afipásèjọba ológun -ní ipa tí ó pọ̀ lórí ètò ìdìbò oṣù tí ó ń bọ̀.


In a rare open letter to Buhari, Obasanjo has accused him of plans to rig the 2019 elections. He wrote:


Nínú ìwé àpilẹ̀kọ kan tí a kò rí irúu rẹ̀ rí tí ó kọ ránṣẹ́ sí Buhari, Ọbásanjọ́ fi ẹ̀sùn kàn-án wípé ó ní ètè láti ṣe èrú ìbò. Ó kọ ọ́ sínú ìwé náà wípé:


Democracy becomes a sham if elections are carried out by people who should be impartial and neutral umpires, but who show no integrity, acting with blatant partiality, duplicity and imbecility.


Ìtìjú ńlá gbáà ló jẹ́ fún ìjọba tiwantiwa, bí ètò ìbò tí o yẹ kí ó lọ ní ìrọwọ́-ìrọsẹ̀ láì fi ti apá kan ṣe, ṣùgbọ́n tí ìṣesíi wọn kò fi ìṣedéédé hàn, àìmúdọ́gba tí ó hàn kedere, ẹ̀tàn àti ìjòye àwòdì máà le è gbẹ́dìẹ.


"Obasanjo insisted that Buhari would not deliver ""free, fair, credible and peaceful elections"" and warned that what ""is happening under Buhari's watch can be likened to what we witnessed under Gen. Sani Abacha."


"Ọbásanjọ́ tẹnu mọ́ ọn wípé Buhari kò leè ""ṣe ètò ìbò tí ó kẹ́sẹjárí,"" àti wípé ìsèjọba tiwantiwa ní abẹ́ ìṣàkóso Buhari ni a lè fi wé tí ìjọba ológun fàmílétè-kí-n-tutọ́ọ ti Gen. Sani Abacha."


In 1998, Sani Abacha, a military dictator, had called for general elections but it became obvious that Abacha had no intention of handing power over to civilians.


Ní ọdún 1998, Sani Abacha, tí ó jẹ́ ológun apàṣẹwàá ní ìgbà náà, pè fún ìbò gbogboògbò ṣùgbọ́n tí ó hàn ketekete pé Abacha kò ṣetán láti gbé ìjọba sílẹ̀ fún alágbádá.


The five political parties at the time endorsed Abacha as their sole presidential candidate.


Ní àsìkò tí à ń sọ̀rọ̀ọ rẹ̀ yìí, àwọn ẹgbẹ́ òṣèlú márùn-ún ọ̀tọ̀ọ̀tọ̀ ni ó fọwọ́ síi wípé kí Abacha ó jẹ́ olùdíje fún ipò Ààrẹ nínú ẹgbẹ́ òṣèlúu wọn.


Now deceased, Abacha became infamous for his repression of human rights and corruption.


Ní báyìí ó ti ṣípò-padà, òkìkí Abacha tàn káàkiri ó sì di ìlú-mọ̀-ọ́-ká nípa ìtẹrí ẹ̀tọ́ ọmọ-ènìyàn mọ́lẹ̀ àti ìjẹgùdùjẹrà.


"Obasanjo alleged that Buhari was towing the ""same path"" as Abacha ""in mad desperation."""


"Ọbásanjọ́ tẹnumọ́ọ wípé ""ipasẹ̀ "" Abacha ní ọjọ́ kínní àná náà ni Buhari ń tọ́ báyìí ""láì wo ẹ̀yìn wò."""


Shehu Garba, the media assistant to President Buhari, dismissed Obasanjo's letter:


Shehu Garba, tí ó jẹ́ olùrànlọ́wọ́ pàtàkì fún Ààrẹ Buhari lórí gbígbé ìròyìn jáde, bu ẹnu àtẹ́ lu ìwé àpilẹ̀kọ Ọbásanjọ́:


The elections starting in February will be free and fair as promised the nation and the international community by President Buhari.


Ètò ìdìbò tí yóò wáyé nínú osù tí ó ń bọ̀ yìí yóò lọ ní pẹ̀lẹ́-kùtù, gẹ́gẹ́ bí Ààrẹ Buhari ti ṣe ìlérí fún ọmọ orílẹ̀-èdè yìí àti àgbáyé.


Obasanjo, the letter writer?


Ọbásanjọ́, òǹkọ̀wé àpilẹ̀kọ?


Olusegun Obasanjo, former military head of state (1976-1979) and later Nigeria's democratically elected president (1999-2007), has consistently criticized successive governments in Nigeria.


Olúṣẹ́gun Ọbásanjọ́, tí ó jẹ́ Ààrẹ ìjọba ológun àná (láti ọdún 1976 sí 1979), tí ó sì tún ṣe Ààrẹ ìjọba alágbádá tí ìbò gbé wọlé (ní ọdún 1999 sí 2007), kúndùn láti máa bu ẹnu àtẹ́ lu àwọn ètò ìjọba Ààrẹ orílẹ̀-èdè Nàìjíríà tí ó jẹ tẹ̀lé e.


"Last year, Obasanjo had advised Buhari not to seek re-election as president but to ""consider a deserved rest at this point in time and at this age."""


"Ní èṣí, Ọbásanjọ́ gba Buhari ni ìmọ̀ràn láti má díje fún ipò Ààrẹ fún ìgbà kejì, ṣùgbọ́n kí ó ""da ìfẹ̀yìntì rò nítorí ọjọ́ oríi rẹ̀ ."""


This advice caused ripples in Nigeria because Obasanjo was a strong supporter of the Buhari's candidacy during the 2015 presidential elections.


Àmọ̀ràn yìí dá yánpọnyánrin sílẹ̀ ní orílẹ̀-èdè Nàìjíríà nítorí wípé Ọbásanjọ́ jẹ́ alátìlẹ́yìn àgbà fún Buhari gẹ́gẹ́ bí òǹdíje nínú ìbò ipò Ààrẹ ni sáà àkọ́kọ́ ní ọdún 2015.


Prior, Obasanjo had scolded Goodluck Jonathan in a public letter written in 2013, Obasanjo accused Jonathan of driving the country to the precipice and allowing deceit, corruption and mutual distrust to tear at the fabric of the nation.


Ṣáájú àsìkò yìí, Ọbásanjọ́ ti bá ìjọba Goodluck Jónátánì wí nínú ìwé àpilẹ̀kọ tí ó kọ ránṣẹ́ sí i ní ọdún 2013, Ọbásanjọ́ fi ẹ̀sùn kan Jónátánì wípé ó ń darí orílẹ̀-èdè Nàìjíríà lọ sí oko ìparun pẹ̀lú bí ó ṣe fi àyè gba ẹ̀tàn, ìjẹ́gùdùjẹrà, ìbápín àìgbẹ́kẹ̀lé láti fa aṣọ iyì àti ìtẹ̀síwájú orílè-èdè náà ya pẹ́rẹpẹ̀rẹ.


Ironically, Obasanjo had also supported Jonathan's election in 2011. And in 2007, he promoted the election of Jonathan Goodluck's predecessor, Umaru Musa Yar'Adua.


Ní àpárá, Ọbásanjọ́ ti Goodluck Jónátánì lẹ́yìn nínú ètò ìdìbò tí ó wáyé ní ọdún 2011. Àti wípé ni ọdún 2007, òun yìí kan náà ni ó ti Umaru Musa Yar'Adua tí ó jẹ kí Jónátánì ó tó jẹ lẹ́yìn digbídigbí.


However, Obasanjo went against Yar'Adua when the latter became sick and did not hand properly hand over power to Jonathan, his then deputy.


Ṣùgbọ́n tí ó pa ìdí ọ̀rẹ́ dá sí Yar'Adua lẹ́yìn ìgbátí ó bẹ̀rẹ̀ àìsàn tí kò sì gbé ètò ìṣe ìjọba fún igbákèjì rẹ̀ tii ṣe Goodluck Jónátánì.


Former Nigerian President Goodluck Jonathan with newly sworn-in President Muhammadu Buhari during his inauguration ceremony on May 29, 2015.


Ààrẹ orílẹ̀-èdè Nàìjíríà àná Goodluck Jonathan with pẹ̀lú Ààrẹ tí ó ṣẹ̀ṣẹ̀ gorí àlééfà Muhammadu Buhari níbi ayẹyẹ ìfilọ́lẹ̀ ìjọba tuntun ní ọjọ́ 29, oṣù Èbìbì, ọdún 2015.


Public Domain photo from the US State Department.


Àworan Ìkápá Gbogboògbò láti ẹ̀ka ìjọba US.


Retired generals never rest in Nigeria


Ọ̀gágun tí ó ti jagun fẹ̀yìntì kì í sinmi ní orílẹ̀-èdè Nàìjíríà


Nigeria's political landscape is held by retired generals or their cronies. Obasanjo, for instance, has been instrumental in the emergence of Nigerian presidents from 2007 to 2015.


Abẹ ìgbèkùn àwọn ọ̀gágun tí ó ti jagun fẹ̀yìntì àti àwọn asọ́mogbée wọn ni orílẹ̀-èdè Nàìjíríà wà. Bí àpẹẹrẹ, Ọbásanjọ́ jẹ́ alẹ́nulọ́rọ̀ tí ó mọ àludé tòun àpadé bí àwọn Ààrẹ ṣe ń gba ipò láti ọdún 2007 sí 2015.


However, unlike civilians - Yar'Adua and Jonathan - who he promoted and also criticized, Buhari is somewhat different.


Bíótiwùkíórí, láì jọ ti àwọn alágbádá - Yar'Adua àti Jónátánì - tí ó gbé ní arugẹ, tí ó sì tún yẹpẹrẹ wọn, ti Buhari dá yàtọ̀ gedegbe.


Although Obasanjo supported Buhari's election in 2015, he cannot fully take the praise alone.


Bí ó ti lẹ̀ jé pé Ọbásanjọ́ ti Buhari lẹ́yìn láti leè yege ní ọdún 2015, a kò leè sọ pé àtìlẹyìn rẹ̀ nìkan ni ó gbé e dé ipò Ààrẹ.


This is because Buhari's ascendance to power was made possible by his allegiance with Bola Tinubu's defunct Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN).


Nítorí ohun tí ó jẹ́ kí ó ṣeé ṣe ò ju bí Buhari ṣe fi ọwọ́ wẹ ọwọ́ pẹ̀lú ẹgbẹ́ òṣèlú ìgbàanì Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) ti Bọ́lá Tinubu.


Buhari's Congress for Progressive Change (CPC) later merged with ACN, in February 2013, to form the All Progressive Congress (APC).


Ẹgbẹ́ òṣèlú Congress for Progressive Change (CPC) ti Buhari jẹ ọmọ ẹgbẹ́ ní ìgbẹ̀yìngbẹ́yín parapọ̀ mọ́ ACN, wọ́n sì di ọkàn nínú oṣù Kejì ọdún 2013, èyí tí ó ṣe okùnfà ìdásílẹ̀ ẹgbẹ́ òṣèlú tuntun tí orúkọ rẹ̀ ń jẹ́ Àjọ Ìtẹ̀síwájú Gbogboògbò (APC).


"In addition, Buhari a former military head of state (1983-1985) is a member of the ""club"" of retired generals who have dominated Nigeria's political space."