Àwọn afẹ̀hónúhàn ti rán ẹni mẹ́fà sí ọ̀run àjànto, ní èyí tí ó jẹ́ pé ọlọ́pàá kan wà nínúu àwọn tí ó jẹ́ Ògún nípè, ọ̀pọ̀ èèyàn ló sì fi ara pa.


Read more: Security forces in Guinea now have the right to use deadly force


Kà síwájú sí i: Àwọn ẹ̀ṣọ́ aláàbò ní Guinea ti ní àṣẹ láti lo ohun ìjà aṣekúpani


Demonstrators oppose any change to the constitution seen as an attempt by the president to run legally for a third mandate.


Àwọn afẹ̀hónúhàn kò lọ́wọ́ sí kílàńkó àyípadà sí ìwé-òfin tí wọ́n rí gẹ́gẹ́ bí ìgbésẹ̀ ààrẹ láti wà lórí ipò fún ẹlẹ́ẹ̀kẹ́ta.


Indeed, the constitution limits the total number of presidential mandates to two in a row. Condé, now 81, should end his mandate in October 2020.


Ní tòótọ́, ìwé-òfin náà fi ààyè ọdún méjì gba ẹni tí ó bá wà ní ipò ààrẹ láti ṣèjọba. Condé, ẹni ọdún 81, yẹ kí sáà rẹ̀ ó parí ní oṣù Ọ̀wàrà ọdún-un 2020.


Demonstrators are particularly vulnerable as they operate in violation of the law, as Human Rights Watch reminds:


Àwọn afẹ̀hónúhàn ni a lè ṣá lọ́gbẹ́ jù lọ nítorí wípé wọ́n tasẹ̀ àgẹ̀rẹ̀ sí òfin náà bí Human Rights Watch ṣe pè fún àkíyèsí:


The government of Guinea has effectively banned street protests for more than a year, citing threats to public security, Human Rights Watch said today.


Human Rights Watch sọ lónìí wípé, ìjọba orílẹ̀-èdèe Guinea ti gbẹ́sẹ̀ lé ìfèhònúhàn l'ójúu pópó fún ọdún kan, ó tọ́ka sí ìdojú-ìjà-kọ ààbò ìlú.


Local authorities have prohibited at least 20 political or other demonstrations.


Àwọn aláṣẹ ìjọba ìbílẹ̀ ti fọ́n ó tó bíi ogún ìfèhònúhàn ẹgbẹ́ òṣèlú àti àwọn mìíràn ká yángá.


Security forces have tear gassed those who defy the ban, and arrested dozens of demonstrators.


Àwọn ẹ̀ṣọ́ aláàbò ti sọ tajútajú sí àárín àwọn tí kò gbọ́ràn láti tú wọn ká, wọ́n sì kó àìmọye ènìyàn.


Regarding the political situation, the government is delivering conflicting messages: On October 13, President Condé welcomed a dialogue:


Ní ti ìṣẹ̀lẹ̀ òṣèlú náà, àjọ ọba náà ń kéde iṣẹ́-ìjẹ́ tí ó ń tako ara wọn: Ní ọjọ́ 13, oṣù Ọ̀wàrà Ààrẹ Condé fẹ́ ìsọ̀rọ̀-ní-tùnbí-ǹ-nùbí:


Alpha Condé has reiterated his call for a responsible dialogue and for a permanent process of discussions in order to iron out differences and answer all the challenges the country is facing.


Alpha Condé ti pè fún ìsọ̀rọ̀ ní tùnbíǹnùbí ó sì fẹ́ kí ìjókòó gẹ́gẹ́ bí tọmọtìyá tí yóò fi pẹ̀lẹ́pùtù yanjú gbọ́nmi-síi-omi-ò-tóo tí ó ń ṣẹlẹ̀ àti ọ̀nà àbáyọ sí àwọn ìpèníjà tí ó ń kojú orílẹ̀-èdè náà.


Yet, Ahmed Tidiane Traoré, a presidential counselor, stated the following day on October 12, - two days before the demonstrations started, - to a crowd of RPG youth [ruling Reunion of the People of Guinea party]:


Síbẹ̀, Ahmed Tidiane Traoré, olùdámọ̀ràn ipò ààrẹ, sọ lọ́jọ́ tí ó tẹ̀lé e, ìyẹn ní ọjọ́ 12 oṣù Ọ̀wàrà, - ọjọ́ méjì kí ìfẹ̀hònúhàn ó tó bẹ̀rẹ̀, - fún àwọn èrò tó jẹ́ ọ̀dọ́ langba RPG ẹgbẹ́ olóṣèlúu [ruling Reunion of the People of Guinea]:


We invite the party's youth to remain vigilant in the districts.


A rọ àwọn ọ̀dọ́ ẹgbẹ́ òṣèlú náà láti kún fún ìṣọ́ra ní ojúu pópó.


They [the opposition activists] have stocked use tires in wholes, we invite young people from the party to get those tires out, prevent them from acting, get those hidden tires, do not attack anyone, do not destroy anything, just defend yourselves.


Àwọn [tí àwọn jẹ́ ajìjàngbara alátakò] ti fa ìṣòro, a pe àwọn ìpẹ́ẹ̀rẹ́ láti inú ẹgbẹ́ náà láti wá ọ̀nà àbáyọ sí ìṣòro tó wà nílẹ̀, àmọ́ kí ẹ máà dojú ìjà kọ ẹnikẹ́ni, kí ẹ máà ba dúkìá kankan jẹ́, ju ìdáàbò bo ara yín lọ.


All evil-doers will be found and shown to the people.


Gbogbo àwọn oníṣẹ́-ibi ni ó di àwárí tí a ó fi ojúu wọn hàn f'áráyé rí.


This double talk amongst those in power has further angered the opposition and civil society, according to the site globalguinee.info:


Ẹnu méjì àwọn tí ó ń tukọ̀ ìlú ti túbọ̀ mú inú bí ẹgbẹ́ alátakò àti àwọn àjàfẹ́tọ̀ọ́ ọmọnìyàn, ó ní bí ìtakùn globalguinee.info ṣe sọ:


October 14, 2019, is a dark Monday, if not black, responding to the call made by the FNDC [National Front for the Defense of the Constitution], Guineans took massively to the streets to oppose the project of constitutional changes.


Ọjọ́ 14 oṣù Ọ̀wàrà ọdún-un 2019 jẹ́ ọjọ́ Ajé burúkú Èṣù gbomi mu, ní ti ìfèsì sí ìpè àjọ FNDC [Àwọn tí ó ń lé wájú ń'nú Ìdáàbò bo Ìwé-òfin Orílẹ̀-èdè], àwọn ọmọ Guinea tú yáyá tú yàyà sí ojúu títì láti tako ìgbésẹ̀ àtúnṣe sí ìwé-òfin.


Clashes were reported in different districts of the Guinean capital.


Ìkọlù wáyé ní àwọn agbègbè tí ó wà ní àárín olú ìlú orílẹ̀-èdè náà.


Business in the administrative center of Kalou was almost entirely stopped.


Káràkátà dẹnu kọlẹ̀ ní àárín gbùngbùn ibi ìṣàkóso ìlú ní Kalou.


Inside the country, people also responded to the call in Middle and Lower Guinea.


Àwọn tí ó wà ní Àárín àti Odò orílẹ̀ èdè Guinea náà gbọ́ ìpè, wọ́n sì darapọ̀ mọ́ àwọn ọmọ ìlú tó kù.


In the forest and in Higher Guinea, not so much.


Ènìyàn díẹ̀ ni ó jáde ní ìgbèríko àti Òkèe Guinea.


Yet, cities have been paralyzed.


Àmọ́ ṣá, ọ̀pọ̀lọpọ̀ ìlú ti kọ̀yìn síjọba lórí ìgbésẹ̀ yìí.


Expressing himself on benbere.org, a Malian platform for youth, Malian blogger Adam Thiam writes:


Ní oríi benbere.org, gbàgede ìtàkùrọ̀sọ fún àwọn ọ̀dọ́ ní Mali, akọ̀ròyin búlọ́ọ̀gù Adam Thiam kọ:


Serious things are now happening in Guinea, with incendiary escalation, almost random dead demonstrators riddles with bullets, blood trails on pavements with barricades and crossroads smoking with tires in flames and tear gas.


Nǹkan kàyèéfì ń lọ lọ́wọ́ lọ́wọ́ báyìí ní Guinea, pẹ̀lú ìrógbàmù tí ó ń wáyé, ọta ìbon ti fọ́ sí ara àwọn afẹ̀hónúhàn tí ó sì ti ṣekú pa ọ̀pọ̀lọpọ̀ọ wọn, ẹ̀jẹ̀ ní ojúu pópó, ìdígàgá ní gbogbo, iná ẹsẹ̀ ọkọ̀ọ sísun àti tajútajú nínú afẹ́fẹ́.


Netizens have denounced the violence on social media:


Àwọn ọmọ ìlú orí ayélujára fajúro sí ìṣẹ̀lẹ̀ náà lórí ẹ̀rọ alátagbà:


Just like Blaise Compaoré [Burkinabé politician] Alpha Condé is going straight to the abyss, Will he be able to hear the angry shouting of his compatriots?


Bíi ti Blaise Compaoré [olóṣèlúu Burkinabé] Alpha Condé ń forí lé ibi ìparun, ǹjẹ́ yó leè gbóhùn inúbíbí àwọn aráa rẹ̀ bí?


The very near future will tell us. Meanwhile, the boat is sinking.


Ó di ọjọ́ iwájú kí á tó mọ̀. Ní báyìí ṣá, ọkọ̀ ojú omi ti ń ré.


On October 15, Guinean journalist Bhiye Bary wrote:


Lọ́jọ́ 15 oṣù Ọ̀wàrà, akọ̀ròyin Guinea Bhiye Bary kọ:


Hamdallaye pharmacy (#Conakry): certain citizens woken up by the police forces early this morning.


Ilé ìtòògùn Hamdallaye (#Conakry): àwọn ọlọ́pàá ló jí àwọn ọmọ ìlú kan lójú oorun ní òwúrọ̀ yìí.


According to a local citizen, the police forces are breaking down doors and looting houses.


Gẹ́gẹ́ bí ẹnìkan ti ṣe sọ, àwọn ọlọ́pàá ń jálẹ̀kùn tí wọ́n sì ń kó ẹrù nílé onílé.


S. Nkola Matamba, a writer and human rights activist from the Democratic Republic of Congo, shared his bitterness:


S. Nkola Matamba, òǹkọ̀wé àti ajàfẹ́tọ̀ọ́ ọmọnìyan tí ó jẹ́ ọmọ Ìlú Olómìnira Ìjọba ara wa ti Congo, fi ìbánújẹ́ ọkàn hàn:


A former member of the opposition, and now devoured by the desire to change the law to allow a third mandate, maybe to remain on the throne till the end, Alpha Condé embodies of of the dark sides of the kind of Africa that keeps taking us down!


Ọmọ ẹgbẹ́ alátakò ìgbàkan, tí ó wá fẹ́ yí òfin padà nítorí ìfẹ́ ara rẹ̀ kí ó ba ṣèjòba fún ìgbà kẹta, bóyá kí ó bá jẹ gàba títí tí Ọlọ́jọ́ yóò fi dé, Alpha Condé gan-an ni àpẹẹrẹ ibi tí ó ń fa ìfàsẹ́yìn fún Ilẹ̀-Adúláwọ̀ !


People of Guinea, have courage!


Ẹ̀yin aráa Guinea, ẹ mú ọkàn le!


#GUINÉE - It's simply appalling. First day of demonstration against a third mandate for Condé and here we are with an outcome of victims and dead people.


#GUINÉE - ó jẹ́ ohun ìyàlẹ́nu. Ìfẹ̀hònúhàn ìtako ìṣèjọba Condé fún ìgbà kẹta ọjọ́ kan ṣoṣo tí mú ẹ̀mí àwọn ènìyàn lọ.


This craziness of politicians who want to remain head of state for life Amoulanfe - Cheikh Fall™ (@cypher007) October 14, 2019


Sísíwín àwọn olóṣèlú tí ó fẹ́ kú sórí ipò ààrẹ yìí ti ń pọ̀ jù Amoulanfe - Cheikh Fall™ (@cypher007) ọjọ́ 14, oṣù Ọ̀wàrà 2019


Guinean activist Macky Darsalam noted attempts made to manipulate public opinion:


Ajìjàǹgbara Guinea Macky Darsalam sọ ti ìgbésẹ̀ láti tọwọ́ bọ èròńgbà àwọn ará ìlú lójú:


The Guinean opposition seems defenseless in the face of such attacks: the deputies of all opposition parties have stopped participating in parliamentary debates since October 11, 2019.


Ẹgbẹ́ alátakò Guinea náà kò ní ààbò tí ó lè fi bo araa rẹ̀ lásìkò ìkọlù: àwọn aṣojú aláṣẹ ẹgbẹ́ alátakò gbogbo kò dá sí àríyànjiyàn ìgbìmọ̀ ìjọba mọ́ láti ọjọ́ 11, oṣù Ọ̀wàrà 2019.


Violence against these parties has taken on radical forms, as the site mediaguinee.org notes:


Ìwà ipá sí àwọn ẹgbẹ́ olóṣèlú wọ̀nyí ti gba ọ̀nà àrà, bẹ́ẹ̀ ni ibùdó ìtakùn mediaguinee.org ṣe kọ:


...at the headquarter of the Union of Republican Forces (URF) of Sidya Touré district, clashes took place between certain members of the opposition and pro-government militants who had taken measures the day before to prevent any unauthorized demonstration in the stronghold of the ruling party.


...ní olú iléeṣẹ́ Union of Republican Forces (URF) tí agbègbè Sidya Touré, ìjá wáyé láàárín àwọn ọmọ ẹgbẹ́ alátakò kan àti àwọn tí ó ń fẹ́ ti ìjọba tí ó ti ṣètò tí kò ní jẹ́ kí ìyíde ìfẹ̀hónúhàn náà ó wáyé lọ́jọ́ kan sí ọjọ́ ìfẹ̀hónúhàn ní àwọn agbègbè tí wọ́n ti lẹ́nu.


The clashes ended with a ransacked office of the URF and the arrest of six people whose identity and party affiliation remain yet unknown to the public.


Ìkọlù náà wá sí òpin lẹ́yìn-in ìkólọ iléeṣẹ́ URF náà tí àwọn ènìyàn mẹ́fà tí kò sí ẹni tó mọ orúkọ àti ẹgbẹ́ olóṣèlú tí wọ́n ń bá ṣe di èrò àtìmọ́lé.


#SexForGrades: A new documentary exposes sexual harassment at West African universities


#SexForGrades: Ètò Alálàyé-afẹ̀ríhàn tú àṣìírí ìwà ìyọlẹ́nu ìbálòpọ̀ ní àwọn Ifásitìi Ìwọ-oòrùn Ilẹ̀-Adúláwọ̀


Victims fear a backlash and are often unwilling to talk


Ìtìjú mú àwọn tí ìṣẹ̀lẹ̀ ṣẹlẹ̀ sí máà leè sọ


This masked victim was repeatedly sexually abused by Boniface Igbeneghu, a professor in University of Lagos, Nigeria (Screenshot from BBC #SexForGrades video)


Boniface Igbeneghu, ọ̀jọ̀gbọ́n Ifásitìi Èkó, Nàìjíríà ti bá ẹni tí ó wọ ìbòjú yìí ṣe erée gélé ní àìmọye ìgbà (Àwòrán láti BBC #SexForGrades)


#SexForGrades, a BBC documentary on sexual harassment of female students by university professors in Nigeria and Ghana, has ignited heated online conversation and raises many questions about how to put an end to it:


#SexForGrades, ètò alálàyé afẹ̀ríhàn-an BBC kan tí ó dá fìrìgbagbòó lóríi àṣemáṣe eré ìfẹ́ tí àwọn ọ̀jọ̀gbọ́n ifásitì pẹ̀lú àwọn akẹ́kọ̀ọ́bìrin ní Nàìjíríà àti Ghana ti ràn bíi pápá inú ọyẹ́ ní orí ayélujára tí ó sì ti fa àwọn ìbéèrè ọlọ́kanòjọ̀kan nípa ọ̀nà tí a leè gbà dẹ́kùn àṣemáṣe ọ̀hún láwùjọ:


The groundbreaking investigation, released on October 7, 2019, was anchored by journalist Kiki Mordi, who was forced to abandon her own university degree because she refused to yield to the sexual advances by a university teacher who kept failing her:


Àgbà iṣẹ́ ìwádìí náà, tí ó di gbígbé jáde ní ọjọ́ kéje oṣù Ọ̀wàrà 2019, tí akọ̀ròyin Kiki Mordi tí kò parí ẹ̀kọ́ọ rẹ̀ látàríi wípé kò fẹ́ ṣe àṣemáṣe pẹ̀lú olùkọ́ní ifásitì rẹ̀ tí ó ń fi ìdíi rẹ̀ rẹmi nínú ìdánwò nítorí wípé kò fún un ṣe ṣe atọ́kùn-un rẹ̀:


Boniface Igbeneghu, University of Lagos, is caught sexually harassing female students in an undercover investigation by the BBC.


Boniface Igbeneghu, Ifásitì Èkó, tí a ká ìwà àṣemáṣe pẹ̀lú àwọn akẹ́kọ̀ọ́bìrin nínú ìwádìí abẹ́lẹ̀ tí BBC ṣe.


Screenshot from BBC #SexForGrades video.


Àwòrán láti BBC #SexForGrades.


"The nearly one-year investigation revealed the scandal of ""sex for grades"" crises at two West African universities: Nigeria's University of Lagos (UNILAG) and the University of Ghana."


"Ìwádìí tí ó pé wákàtí kan tú àṣìírí ìwà àṣemáṣe ti ""eré ìfẹ́ fún ojú-àmì ẹ̀kọ́"" ní ifásitì Ìwọ̀-oòrùn Ilẹ̀ Adúláwọ̀ méjì: University of Lagos (UNILAG) ti Nàìjíríà àti University of Ghana."


Nigeria's Boniface Igbeneghu, a professor in UNILAG'S faculty of art and an evangelical pastor of local Foursquare Gospel Church, Lagos, was one of the teachers busted by the investigation.


Boniface Igbeneghu, tí í ṣe kòfẹ́sọ̀ ní ẹ̀ka iṣẹ́ ọnà ti UNILAG, tí ó sì tún jẹ́ àlùfáà Ìjọ Foursquare Gospel, ní Èkó, ń bẹ nínú àwọn olùkọ́ tí òkété bórù mọ́ lọ́wọ́.


Igbenegbu is seen in the BBC video sexually propositioning an undercover BBC reporter who pretended to be a 17-year-old seeking university admission. Igbenegu can be heard saying:


A rí Igbeneghu nínúu ètòo BBC náà tí ó kọ ẹnu ìfẹ́ sí ọmọdébìnrin tí ó díbọ́n gẹ́gẹ́ bí ọmọ ọlọ́jọ́ orí mẹ́tàdínlógún tí ó ń wà ìgbanisílé ẹ̀kọ́ láì fura wípé ajábọ̀ ìròyìn tí ó ń ṣe iṣẹ́ ìwádìí abẹ́lẹ̀ fún BBC ni ó ń ṣe. Igbeneghu sọ báyìí wípé:


Don't you know you are a beautiful girl?


Ṣé o kò mọ̀ wípé ọmọbìnrin arẹwà ni ọ́ ?


Do you know I am a pastor and I am in my 50's but if I want a girl of 17 years, all I need is a sweet tongue and put some money...


Ǹjẹ́ o mọ̀ wípé àlùfáà ìjọ ẹlẹ́sìn ìgbàgbọ́ ni mo jẹ́, àti pé mo tó ẹni àádọ́ta ọdún ṣùgbọ́n bí mo bá fẹ́ ọmọ ọdún mẹ́tàdínlógún ọ̀rọ̀ dídùn àti owó ni ó máa jẹ...


In a final meeting between the pair, Igbenegbu switched off the lights, asked her for a kiss and went ahead to hug her in his locked office.


Níbi ìpàdé kan láàárín àwọn méjèèjì, Igbeneghu ṣẹ́ iná pa, ó sì ní kí ọmọdébìnrin náà ó fẹ́nu ko òhun lẹ́nu, tí ó sì tún dì mọ́ ọn gbádígbádí nínúu iyàraa iṣẹ́ẹ rẹ̀ tí ó wà ní títì pa.


"Foursquare Gospel Church has suspended Igbeneghu ""from all ministerial assignments."""


"Ìjọ Ajíhìnrere Foursquare ti dá Igbeneghu dúró ""lẹ́nu iṣẹ́ ìhìn rere."""


"Similarly, the University of Lagos has barred Igbeneghu from the school and also ordered the shutdown of the staff club's ""cold room,"" used by senior staff to hold parties attended by young female students and staff."


"Bákan náà, Ifásitì Èkó ti lé Igbeneghu kúrò ní ilé ìwé wọ́n sì ti sún ìpèré sí ẹ̀hìn ilẹ̀kùn ilé òṣìṣẹ́ tí wọ́n ń pè ní ""yàrá tútù,"" tí àwọn ọ̀gá olùkọ́ni ti máa ń ṣe àríyá níbi tí wọ́n ti máa ń gba àwọn ọ̀ṣọ́rọ̀ ọmọge lálejò."


Recounting the trauma of years past


Àwọn ìṣẹ̀lẹ̀ ìbànújẹ́ ọdún sẹ́yìn


This exposé ignited reactions of cataclysmic proportions from Nigerians online with the trending hashtag #SexForGrades on Twitter.


Àkàrà tí ó tú sépo yìí ti fi gọ̀ngọ̀ fa kòmóòkùn ọ̀rọ̀ jáde lẹ́nu ọ̀gọ̀rọ̀ ọmọ orílẹ̀-èdèe Nàìjíríà ní orí ayélujára pẹ̀lú àmìi #SexForGrades ní oríi Twitter.


Many female Twitter users recount their own experiences of sexual harassment:


Púpọ̀ nínú àwọn òǹlò tí ó jẹ́ abo ní oríi Twitter fi ẹ̀dùn ọkàn-an wọn hàn nípa ìríríi wọn lóríi ìwà erée gélé ti ìbálòpọ̀:


"Lola Shoneyin, book festival curator and author, recounted the ""terrible shame"" she felt after she was touched inappropriately by a university Deputy Vice-Chancellor (DVC):"


"Lọlá Ṣónẹ́yìn, alátinúdáa àjọ̀dún ìwé àti òǹkọ̀wé, ṣàlàyé ""ìtìjú ńlá"" tí òhún rí nígbà tí amúgbálẹ́gbẹ̀ẹ́ ọ̀gá pátápátá ifásitì kan (DVC) fọwọ́ kan ibi tí kò yẹ kí ó fọwọ́ kàn lára òun:"


Philandering university professors have for decades debased female students in Nigerian tertiary institutions.


Àwọn ọ̀jọ̀gbọ́n oníṣìná ilé ẹ̀kọ́ gíga Nàìjíríà ti ba ti àwọn obìnrin jẹ́.


However, it is usually difficult to prosecute perpetrators because victims are afraid of the backlash and unwilling to talk due to deep trauma associated with these abuses.


Síbẹ̀síbẹ̀, nítorí ìtìjú àwọn tí ó fi ara pa kì í leè sọ̀rọ̀ síta èyí kò sì jẹ́ kí ó rọrùn láti dá sẹ̀ríà fún àwọn awùwà ìbàjẹ́.


"In 2016, the ""Sexual Harassment in Tertiary Education Institution Prohibition Bill,"" passed by the Nigerian Senate prescribed a 5-year jail term for lecturers and educators convicted of sexually harassing students."


"Ní ọdún-un 2016, Ìgbìmọ̀ Àṣòfin mú àbá ẹ̀wọ̀n ọdún márùn-ún wá fún olùkọ́ní tí ilé ẹjọ́ bá dá lẹ́bi àṣemáṣe pẹ̀lú akẹ́kọ̀ọ́ nínú ""Ìwé àbádòfin Ìfòpin sí ìwà ìbàjẹ́ ìbálòpọ̀ ní Ilé Ìwé Gíga."""


However, the Academic Staff Union of Nigerian Universities opposed the bill, claiming that it was discriminatory since it targeted teachers and that it undermined university autonomy.


Síbẹ̀, Àjọ Olùkọ́ni Ifásitìi Nàìjíríà kọ ẹ̀yìn sí ìwé àbá yìí, wọ́n ní ó kọ iyán àwọn kéré, nítorí ó kọjú ìjà sí àwọn olùkọ́ àti wípé ó yẹpẹrẹ àṣẹ àti agbára ilé ẹ̀kọ́ gíga.


The opposition to the bill may have led to the death of that legislation - which did not get presidential assent.


Ìsọtasí ìwé àbá náà pa òfin náà ní àpakú finínfinfín - èyí kò sì jẹ́ kí ààrẹ ó bu ọwọ́ lù ú.


Is #SexForGrades another #ChurchToo movement?


Ṣé Eré ìfẹ́ fún ojú-àmì Ẹ̀kọ́ #SexForGrades ni ìjìjàngbara ilé ìjọsìn #ChurchToo tuntun?


In July this year, Nigeria's celebrity photographer, Busola Dakolo, accused Biodun Fatoyinbo, the lead pastor of Commonwealth of Zion Assembly (COZA), of forcefully raping her when she was 16.


Nínú oṣù kéje ọdún yìí, gbajúgbajà ayàwòrán-an nì, Bùsọ́lá Dakolo, fi ẹ̀sùn kan Bíọ́dún Fátóyìnbó, àlùfáà àgbà ìjọ Commonwealth of Zion Assembly (COZA), wípé ó fi ipá bá òun ní àjọṣepọ̀ nígbà tí òhún wà ní ọmọ ọdún mẹ́rindínlógún.


Read more: Pastor or predator?


Kà síwájú sí i: Àlùfáà tàbí apanijẹ bí ẹ̀pa?


Nigerian Evangelical preacher embroiled in rape accusations


Ajíhìnrere Oníwàásù nínúu wàhálà ẹ̀sùn ìfipábánilòpọ̀


Over the past six years, the flamboyant Fatoyinbo has been plagued by allegations of rape and sexual abuse.


Fún ọdún mẹ́fà tí ó ré kọjá lọ, Fátóyìnbó aródẹ́dẹ́ ti rí ìfẹ̀sùnkàn ìfipábánilòpọ̀ ọ̀kan-ò-jọ̀kan.


However, the emotional interview during which Dakolo accused Fatoyinbo ignited a national reaction online.


Síbẹ̀, ìfọ̀rọ̀wánilẹ́nuwò tí Dakolo ti fẹ̀sùn kan Fátóyìnbó dá awuyewuye sílẹ̀ lórí ayélukára bí ajere.


For days, #ChurchToo - a national iteration of the global #MeToo movement - trended on social media in Nigeria.


Fún ọjọ́ díẹ̀, ilé ìjọsìn náà; #ChurchToo - tí í ṣe àpẹẹrẹ èmi náà ní àgbáyé #MeToo - gba ayélujára kan ní Nàìjíríà.


This agitation soon morphed from online to street protests in major Nigerian cities like Lagos and Abuja.


Ẹ̀sùn yìí fò fẹ̀rẹ̀ láti orí ayélujára sí ìfẹ̀hónúhàn lóríi òpópónà ní àwọn ìlú ńlá ní Nàìjíríà bíi Èkó àti Abuja.


"The #ChurchToo movement called on the government to take ""the issue of violence against women and girls seriously."""


"Ìpèsí àkíyèsí ilé ìjọsìn náà #ChurchToo movement rọ ìjọba láti da ""ọ̀ràn-an ìjìyà obìnrin àti ọmọdébìnrin dúrò."""


"The #ChurchToo revealed the silent but ""horrific thriving rape culture, especially within religious circles"" in Nigeria."


"Ilé ìjọsìn náà #ChurchToo ṣípayá ìdákẹ́ rọ́rọ́ àmọ́ ""ìbàjẹ́ àṣà ìfipábánilòpọ̀ tí ó ń gbèrú, pàápàá jù lọ ní agbo ìjọsìn"" ní Nàìjíríà."


It provided an opportunity for women to speak out.


Ó fún àwọn obìnrin ní àǹfààní láti wí ti ẹnu wọn.


Like the #ChurchToo movement, the #SexForGrades outcry has again revealed the realities of sexual violence against women and the abuse of power that allows this sexual violence to thrive.


Bíi ti #ChurchToo, ìké tantan eré ìfẹ́ fún ojú-àmì ẹ̀kọ́ #SexForGrades ti fẹ ìdí ìlòkulò agbára tí ó bí ìwà àṣemáṣe ti ìbánilájọ̀ṣepọ̀ tí àwọn obìnrin kò fi tọkàntọkàn fẹ́ síta gbangba.


Will this hashtag lead to an offline advocacy movement that pushes for reforms to ensure that universities are safe places for women?


Ǹjẹ́ àmì orí ayélujára yìí yóò ṣe amọ̀nàa ìgbèjà ẹ̀tọ́ tí kì í ṣe ti orí ayélujára tí yóò béèrè fún àtúnṣe tí yóò sọ ilé ẹ̀kọ́ gíga ifásitì di ibi ààbò fún àwọn obìnrin bí?


Time will tell.


Ìgbà àti àkókò nìkan ni yóò sọ.


Zanzibar's one and only music academy on the brink of closure


Ilé ẹ̀kọ́ ìmọ̀ orin kíkọ kan ṣoṣo ní Zanzibar ti fẹ́ di títì pa


Dhow Countries Music Academy promotes Swahili culture through music


Ilé-ẹ̀kọ́ Orin Kíkọ Àwọn Orílẹ̀-èdè Dhow f'orin ṣègbélárugẹ àṣàa Swahili


Students from the Dhow Countries Music Academy (DCMA) rehearse the qanun, flute, drum and piano at the Old Customs House, Stone Town, Zanzibar, 2019. Photo courtesy of the DCMA.


Àwọn akẹ́kọ̀ọ́ láti Iléèwé Orin kíkọ Àwọn Orílẹ̀-èdèe Dhow (DCMA) ń fi qanun, fèrè, ìlù àti dùrù ní Ilé Àwọn Ẹ̀ṣọ́ Aṣọ́bodè Àtijọ́, ní Stone Town, Zanzibar, 2019. DCMA ló ni àwòrán.


"Thousands of visitors to the historic city of Stone Town, Zanzibar, have followed the sound of music to the Dhow Countries Music Academy (DCMA), a music school that promotes and preserves the islands"" musical traditions of the Swahili Coast along the Indian Ocean."


Ẹgbẹẹgbẹ̀rún àlejò tí ó ń rọ́ wìtìwìtì wá sí ìlú Stone Town, Zanzibar tí ó kún fún ìṣẹ̀lẹ̀ àtẹ̀yìnwá, ti tẹ̀lé ìró orin Iléèwé Orin kíkọ Àwọn Orílẹ̀-èdèe Dhow (DCMA), ilé ẹ̀kọ́ orin kíkọ tí ó ń ṣe ìgbélárugẹ àti ìpamọ́ àwọn àṣà orin erékùṣù náà tí ó sún mọ́ Swahili ní ẹ̀báa Omi Òkun India.


Since 2002, the school has promoted and preserved the Zanzibar's unique mix of Arab, Indian and African cultures through music.


Láti ọdún-un 2002, ilé ẹ̀kọ́ náà ti ṣe ìgbélárugẹ àti ìpamọ́ àkójọpọ̀ orin Lárúbáwá, India àti Ilẹ̀ Adúláwọ̀ tí kò lẹ́lẹ́gbẹ́.


After 17 years, the school faces a financial crisis that threatens its closure.


Lẹ́yìn-in ọdún kẹtàdínlógún, iléèwé náà kò rí owó tí ó tówó nínú àpò ìkówó sí tí ó sì leè fa kí iléèwé náà ó di títì pa.


Nearly 70% of its 80 full-time students can't afford to pay their tuition, which comes to about $13 USD per month, according to an official DCMA press release.


Nínú ìwé ìgbéròyìnjáde tí àwọn aláṣẹ DCMA tẹ̀ jáde, ìdá àádọ́rin nínú àwọn ọgọ́rin akẹ́kọ̀ọ́ ni kò rí owó iléèwé wọn tí ó tó bíi $13 USD lóṣù san.


While the school has received support over the years from international donors and diplomatic missions, they face a gap in funding that may force them to shut their doors at the historic Old Customs House.


Pẹ̀lú àtìlẹ́yìn àwọn onínúure tí ó ti dáwó fún iléèwé náà, owó tí ó kù ní sísan ṣì pọ̀ tó bẹ́ẹ̀ tí ó fi jẹ́ wípé, ó ṣe é ṣe kí ilẹ̀kùn-un iléèwé náà tí ó wà nínú Ilé Àwọn Ẹ̀ṣọ́ Aṣọ́bodè Àtijọ́.


Without crucial funds to continue, DCMA students and staff fear that the soulful sounds that flow through the hallways of this iconic institution that make these islands sing - may cease.


Láìsí owó tí ó tówó nílẹ̀ láti tẹ̀síwájú, àwọn akẹ́kọ̀ọ́ DCMA àti òṣìṣẹ́ ń fòyà kí ìró amọ́kànbalẹ̀ tí ó ń sun jáde láti inúu gbọ̀ngán olókìkí ilé ẹ̀kọ́ yìí tí ó mú erékùṣù yìí kọrin - leè wọ òkùnkùn.


The school not only teaches and promotes traditional culture and heritage through music, but it's also home to a community of young musicians who seek alternatives to making a living as creatives.


Orin àti ìgbélárugẹ àṣà àti àjogúnbá nìkan kọ́ ni ilé ẹ̀kọ́ náà fi gbajúmọ̀, àmọ́ ó jẹ́ ilé fún àwọn ọ̀dọ́ tí ó ń wà ibi tí wọn yóò ti fi ìmọ̀ kún ìmọ̀.


A DCMA student learns the qanun, a featured instrument in classical taarab songs. Photo courtesy of the DCMA.


Akẹ́kọ̀ọ́ DCMA kan ń kọ́ qanun, ohun èlò orin ayédáadé orin taarab. Àwòrán láti iléèwé DCMA.


"""We [have started] to face a very challenging financial moment,"" said Alessia Lombardo, managing director of the DCMA, in an official DCMA video."


"""A [ti bẹ̀rẹ̀] sí í ní rí ìdojúkọ ìgbà tí ó nira,"" alákòóso àgbàa DCMA, Alessia Lombardo sọ, nínúu àwòrán fídíò DCMA kan."


"""From now to the next six months, we are not sure that we can guarantee the salaries to our teachers and staff."""


"Láti ìsinsìnyí lọ títí di oṣù mẹ́fà sí àsìkò yìí, a kò rí àrídájú tí ó rinlẹ̀ wípé a ó leè san owó oṣù àwọn olùkọ́ni àti òṣìṣẹ́ẹ."""


At the moment, 19 master teachers and small core staff have gone without salaries for over three months as the school struggles to secure strong funding partnerships and explore sustainable funding models for a school.


Ní àkókò tí a wà yìí, àwọn àkàwé-gboyè olùkọ́ 19 àti àwọn òṣìṣẹ́ mìíràn ti ṣiṣẹ́ fún oṣù mẹ́ta gbáko láì gba owó lọ sílé nítorí àìsí owó nínúu kóló iléèwé.


While the archipelago is known as a tourist destination for its pristine beaches and luxury hotels, the majority of local people struggle with high unemployment even as poverty has slightly decreased, according to The World Bank.


Gẹ́gẹ́ bí Ilé Ìfowópamọ́ Àgbáyé ṣe ti ṣàlàyé wípé, pẹ̀lú bí a ti ṣe mọ agbègbè tí iléèwé náà wà fún ibi ìrìn-àjò ìgbafẹ́ nítorí àwọn etíkun àtijọ́ àti ilé ìtura olówó ńláńlá tí ó kángun síbẹ̀, ọ̀gọ̀rọ̀ àwọn ọmọ ìbílẹ̀ ló ń bá àìníṣẹ́ lọ́wọ́ pò ó pàápàá bí ìṣẹ́ ṣe ti gbé fúkẹ́ ju ti ìgbà kan lọ.


For 17 years, the DCMA has worked tirelessly to promote and protect Zanzibar's rich heritage and traditions through music.


Fún ọdún mẹ́tàdínlógún, DCMA ti ṣiṣẹ́ àṣekúdórógbó nípa lílo orin ṣe ìgbélárugẹ tòun ìpamọ́ ọ̀rọ̀ àjogúnbá àti àṣà Zanzibar.


The birthplace of legendary taarab singers Siti Binti Saad and Fatuma Binti Baraka, or Bi. Kidude, Zanzibar is home to musical genres that emerged through cultural exchange and collaboration along the Swahili Coast for hundreds of years.


Orírun àwọn olóhùn-iyò akọrin taarab, Siti Binti Saad àti Fatuma Binti Baraka, tí a tún mọ̀ sí Bi. Kidude, Zanzibar ni ilé èyí-ò-jọ̀yìí orin tí ó ti inúu ìbàṣepapọ̀ àṣà àti àjọṣe ọlọ́dún gbọgbọrọ tí ó wà láàárín àwọn àdúgbò ẹ̀ka Swahili.


Today, students can learn traditional musical genres like taarab, ngoma and kidumbak, along with instruments like drums, qanun and oud, as gatekeepers - and interpreters - of culture and tradition.


Láyé òde òní, akẹ́kọ̀ọ́ leè kọ́ orin ìbílẹ̀ bíi taarab, ngoma àti kidumbak, pẹ̀lú àfikún àwọn ohun èlò ìkọrin bíi ìlù ní oníranànran, qanun àti oud, gẹ́gẹ́ bí alápamọ́ - àti òǹgbifọ̀ - àṣà àti ìṣe.


Neema Surri, a violin player at the DCMA, has been studying the violin since the age of 9.


Neema Surri, a ta violin ní DCMA, ti ń kọ́ bí a ti ṣe ń ta ohun èlòo violin láti ọmọdún mẹ́sàn-án mẹ́nu lé ọ̀rọ̀ nínú àwòrán fídíò DCMA náà.


"""I know many young people who would like to study music but they can't afford the minimal tuition fee because they are poor and unemployed,"" Surri said in the DCMA video."


"""Mo mọ àwọn ọ̀dọ́mọdé tí ó máa nífẹ̀ẹ́ sí kíkọ́ orin ṣùgbọ́n wọn kò leè san owó ìmẹ̀kọ tí ó jẹ́ owó iléèwé nítorí wípé wọn kúṣẹ̀ẹ́ wọn kò sì ní iṣẹ́ lọ́wọ́ ."""


Students at the DCMA rehearse at the Old Customs House, where the school is based, in Stone Town, Zanzibar, 2019. Photo courtesy of the DCMA.


Àwọn akẹ́kọ̀ọ́ọ DCMA ń fi ohun èlò ìkọrin olókùn tín-ín-rín kọrin nínú Ilé Àwọn Ẹ̀ṣọ́ Aṣọ́bodè Àtijọ́, níbití iiléèwé náà fi ìkàlẹ̀ sí, ní Stone Town, Zanzibar, lọ́dún-un 2019. Àwòrán jẹ́ ti iléèwée DCMA.


After completing DCMA workshops, certificate and diploma courses, many DCMA students go on to perform on world stages as award-winning bands and solo artists.


Ní ìparí àwọn ìdánilẹ́kọ̀ọ́ọ DCMA, tí wọ́n ti gba ìwé ẹ̀rí àti ní òpin ẹ̀kọ́ ọlọ́dún kan, púpọ̀ nínú àwọn akẹ́kọ̀ọ́ọ DCMA ni ó ti di àgbà ọ̀jẹ́ tí wọ́n sì í ṣeré lórí ìtàgé kárí ayé.


"Zanzibar's Amina Omar Juma, a former DCMA student and current DCMA teacher, recently returned from a tour in South Africa with her critically acclaimed, ""Siti and the Band,"" known for ""fusing the roots"" by blending traditional taarab sounds with contemporary, layered rhythms."


"Ọmọ bíbíi Zanzibar, tí ó jẹ́ akẹ́kọ̀ọ́ọ DCMA nígbà kan rí, tí ó jẹ́ olùkọ́ni ní iléèwé kan náà báyìí, Amina Omar Juma tòun ti ìlú mọ̀ọ́ká ẹgbẹ́ akọrin rẹ̀, tí ó ń ""fi àṣà ìró orin ìbílẹ̀ "" taarab papọ̀ mọ́ ti ìgbàlódélonígbàńlò kọrin, ìyẹn ""Siti àti Ẹgbẹ́ ,"" ṣẹ̀ṣẹ̀ padà wọ̀lú láti ìrìnàjò orin kíkọ kan ní orílẹ̀-èdèe South Africa."


"She and other band members, also former DCMA students, released their first full album, ""Fusing the Roots,"" in 2018, going on to perform at Sauti za Busara, East Africa's largest music festival, that same year."


"Òun, àwọn díẹ̀ nínú ẹgbẹ́ akọrin rẹ̀ àti àpapọ̀ àwọn akẹ́kọ̀ọ́ DCMA ní ìgbà kan rí ṣe àgbéjáde àwo orin wọn àkọ́kọ́, ""Fusing the Roots,"" ní ọdún-un 2018, tí ó mú wọn oi ng o òǹwòran lára yá ní Sauti za Busara, tí í ṣe àjọ̀dún orin kíkọ tí ó gbàràdá jù lọ ní Ìlà-oòrùn Ilẹ̀ Adúláwọ̀."


"Here's Siti and the Band's ""Nielewe"" (""Understand Me"") and music video, depicting scenes from Zanzibar while telling the story of a woman who experiences domestic abuse and dreams of life in music, much like Omar Juma's personal story:"


"Híhàyín ni orin Siti àti Ẹgbẹ́ ""Nielewe"" (""Gbó mi yéké"") àti àwòrán orin náà, tí ó ṣe àfihàn-an àwòrán-an, tí ó sọ ìtàn obìnrin kan tí ó ń rí ìdojúkọ abẹ̀-ilé, tí ó sì ń dárò ara rẹ̀. Ìtàn náà jọ ti Omar Juma fúnra rẹ̀:"


Read more: East African women in the music industry sing out against male domination


Kà síwájú sí i: Àwọn akọrin lóbìnrin Ìlà-Oòrùn Ilẹ̀ Adúláwọ̀ kọrin tako àìfààyè gba obìnrin àwọn ọkùnrin.


A history of cultural crossroads and collaboration


Ìtàn nípa àyálò àṣà àti àjọṣepọ̀


Over 15,000 visitors have passed through the academy's iconic building to enjoy live performances, workshops and classes and interact with passionate DCMA musicians who represent the future of Zanzibar culture and heritage, according to the DCMA.


Ó tó ẹgbẹ̀rún mẹ́ẹ̀ẹ́dógún àlejò ni ó ti wo eré, gba ìdánilẹ́kọ̀ọ́ àti bá àwọn akọrin lóríṣiírísí ọjọ́ ọ̀la ní iléèwé olókìkí náà ní gbólóhùn rí.


"Drawing from a complex history of Indian, Arab and African exchange, the school celebrates the influence of ""dhow countries,"" with inspiration from cultures that converged along the Indian Ocean and the Persian Gulf."


"Iléèwé náà ti ṣe àyálò àti àmúpapọ̀ ọ̀kan-ò-jọ̀kan àṣà ""àwọn orílẹ̀-èdè dhow,"" tí ó wà ní ìtòsíi Òkun India àti Ọ̀gbùn-un Persia."


"The Omani Sultanate, a ""major maritime force from the 17th to 19th centuries,"" shifted its seat of power from Muscat to Zanzibar in 1840."


"Agbègbèe Omani Sultanate, tí ó jẹ́ "" ibi gbòógì àwọn alágbára atukọ̀ orí omi ní ọgọ́rùn-ún Ọdún-un kẹtàdínlógún sí kọkàndínlógún sẹ́yìn,"" gbé àga agbára rẹ̀ láti Muscat sí Zanzibar ní ọdún-un 1840."


From Stone Town, Omani kings oversaw elaborate systems of maritime trade, including cloves, gold, and textiles, powered by strong winds that set dhows - traditional Arab vessels - sailing across the Indian Ocean, from India to Oman to East Africa.


Láti Stone Town, àwọn ọba Omani ń tukọ̀ọ okòwò orí omi ìgbà náà tí ó fẹjú, títí kan kànáfùrù, wúrà, àti aṣọ , látàrí àwọn ìjì líle tí ń tu àwọn ọkọ̀ ìbílẹ̀ẹ Lárúbáwáa - dhows - ní oríi Òkun Indian, láti India sí Oman títí lọ dé Ìlà-Oòrùn Ilẹ̀ Adúláwọ̀.


Young Zanzibaris recognize the importance of connecting with the past to determine their future and the music created today expresses that desire to bridge the old with the new.


Àwọn ọ̀dọ́ ní Zanzibar mọ rírìi ìṣẹ̀lẹ̀ àtẹ̀yìnwá tí ó ní ohun ńlá ní í ṣe fún ọjọ́ ọ̀la wọn, ni wọ́n fi ń ṣe àdàlù èyí tí a rí nínú àwọn orin òde òní tí wọn ń gbé jáde.


"DCMA students and teachers recently formed ""TaraJazz,"" a blend of traditional taarab and modern jazz."


"Àwọn akẹ́kọ̀ọ́ àti olùkọ́ni DCMA ṣe ìdásílẹ̀ẹ ""TaraJazz"" láì pẹ́ yìí, èyí tí ó jẹ́ àdàlù orin ìbílẹ̀ taarab àti orin Jazz òde òní."


Their violinist, Felician Mussa, 20, has only been studying the violin for 3.5 years; TaraJazz is one of the most sought-after bands on the islands, captured here by photographer Aline Coquelle:


Ata violin, Felician Mussa, ọmọ ogún ọdún, ti ń kọ́ ohun èlò ìkọrin olókùn tín-ín-rín náà fún ọdún mẹ́ta àtààbọ̀; TaraJazz jẹ́ ọ̀kan nínú àwọn ẹgbẹ́ akọrin tí ó àwọn ènìyàn máa ń pè sí òde jù lọ ní àwọn erékùṣù náà, ni ó wà nínú àwòrán tí ayàwòrán tí Aline Coquelle yà:


The Swahili coast tells the story of epic cultural exchanges and the DCMA continues this tradition through its musical collaborations.


Agbègbèe Swahili sọ ìtàn pàṣípààrọ àṣà ìbílẹ̀ tí DCMA ṣì ń tẹ̀síwájú nínúu rẹ̀ pẹ̀lú àjọṣepọ̀ àwọn orin-in rẹ̀ .


"Every year, the school hosts an initiative called ""Swahili Encounters,"" matching well-known musicians hailing from Africa, the Middle East, Europe and North America with DCMA students to create original musical compositions within a week-long period."


"Lọ́dọọdún, iléèwé náà máa ń gbàlejò fún ètò tí a pè ní ""Ìkọlù Swahili,"" tí ó mú àgbárijọpọ̀ọ àgbà akọrin láti Ilẹ̀-Adúláwọ̀, Ìlú Abẹ́-àkóso Lárúbáwá, Ilẹ̀ Éróòpù àti Àríwá Amẹ́ríkà pẹ̀lú àwọn akẹ́kọ̀ọ́ DCMA láti ṣe orin láàárín ọ̀sẹ̀ kan."


"At the end of the ""encounter,"" the newly-formed collaboration performs at Sauti za Busara, and many of these collaborations turn into life-time friendships that transcend the boundaries of language and culture, proving music is a universal language."


"Ní ìgbẹ̀yìngbẹ́yín ""ìkọlù"" náà, àgbárijọpọ̀ tuntun náà yóò ta bí elégbé ní Sauti za Busara, tí àjọṣepọ̀ wọ̀nyí yóò sì di ìbáṣepọ̀ ọlọ́jọ́ pípẹ́ tí kò mọ ìyàtọ̀ èdè àti àṣà, tí ó fi hàn gbangba wálíà wípé èdè kan náà tí gbogbo ayé gbọ́ ni orin."


"DCMA offers weekly live performances showcasing students"" talents and collaborations with visiting musicians, Stone Town, Zanzibar, 2019. Photo courtesy of DCMA."


DCMA máa ń ṣe àgbékalẹ̀ ètò orin kíkọ tí ó ń ṣe ìgbélárugẹ ẹ̀bùn orin kíkọ àwọn akẹ́kọ̀ọ́ àti àfihàn àjọṣepọ̀ pẹ̀lú ọ̀kọrin àlejò hàn ní, Stone Town, Zanzibar, 2019. DCMA ni ó ni àwòrán.


The DCMA recognizes that music empowers and unites people across cultures - and it also employs talented youth living in a struggling economy with limited job opportunities.


DCMA mọ rírì orin gẹ́gẹ́ bí ohun tí ó leè ró àwọn ènìyàn lágbára àti gẹ́gẹ́ bí ohun tí ó lè mú ìṣọ̀kan àti ìrẹ́pọ̀ bá àwọn ènìyàn láì wo ti àṣà - ó sì tún ń pèsè àǹfààní iṣẹ́ fún àwọn ọ̀dọ́ tí ó ní ẹ̀bùn àmọ́ tí ó ń tiraka láti jẹ.


For the 1,800 students who have trained at the DCMA, this is the only musical home they know, where they can learn and grow as professional musicians and artists.


Fún àwọn akẹ́kọ̀ọ́ 1,800 tí ó ti gba ìdánilẹ́kọọ́ ní DCMA, èyí nìkan ni ibi ilé orin tí wọ́n mọ̀, níbi tí wọ́n ti ń kọ́ ẹ̀kọ́ tí wọ́n sì ti ń ní àlékún ìmọ̀ nípa iṣẹ́ orin kíkọ àti bí a ṣe ń di òǹkọrin.


"One traveler from Spain, who recently visited the DCMA, wrote on TripAdvisor: ""Personally, meeting the musicians was the best piece of my time on this island."""


"Arìnrìn-àjò kan láti Spain, tó bẹ DCMA wò ní kò pẹ́ yìí, kọ sí oríi TripAdvisor: ""Ní tèmi, ìṣalábàápàdée àwọn akọrin ni ìgbà tí ó meet jù lọ fún mi ní erékùṣù yìí."""


As Zanzibar's tourism sector rapidly grows, the DCMA believes that music plays an essential role in the celebration, preservation and promotion of Swahili culture, heritage and history.


Bí ẹ̀ka ìrìn-àjò afẹ́ẹ Zanzibar ṣe ń gbèrò sí i, DCMA nígbàgbọ́ wípé orin ní ipa kan gbòógì ní í ṣe nínú àjọyọ̀, ìpamọ́ àti ìgbélárugẹ tòun ìpolongo àṣà, àjogúnbá àti ìṣẹ̀lẹ̀ àtẹ̀yìnwáa Swahili.


Zanzibar is far more than its beaches and luxury hotels - it's a place bursting with talent that stems from an extraordinary history of cultural connection and collaboration.


Zanzibar ju àwọn etíkun àti ilé ìtura olówó iyebíye rẹ̀ lọ - ó jẹ́ ibi tí ó kún fún àwọn ènìyàn ọlọ́pọlọ tí ó ní ẹ̀bùn ní poolo orí wọn látàrí àjọṣepọ̀ ọlọ́jọ́ pípẹ́ tí ó mú agbègbè náà dá yàtọ̀ gedegbe.


Editor's note: The author of this post has volunteered with DCMA.


Ìfiyèsí Alákòóso Ìwé Títẹ̀: Òǹkọ̀wé àtẹ́jádé yìí ti ṣiṣẹ́ ọ̀fẹ́ pẹ̀lú DCMA.


Witch-hunting still claims lives in rural India


Ìṣọdẹ-àjẹ́ ṣì ń gba ẹ̀mí àwọn ènìyàn ní ìgbèríko India


Superstition and lack of awareness behind witch-hunting in India


A village near Jamshedpur in Jharkhand. Picture courtesy Anumeha Verma


Ìletò kan ní ẹ̀báa Jamshedpur ní Jharkhand. Àwòrán láti ọwọ́ọ Anumeha Verma


On 20 July, four elderly people were lynched by a mob in the Gumla District of Jharkhand, India after being accused of practicing witchcraft.


Ní ọjọ́ 20 oṣù Agẹmọ, àgbájọ àwọn ènìyànkéènìà gba ẹ̀mí àwọn àgbàlagbà mẹ́rin kan láì dá wọn lẹ́jọ́ ní agbègbèe Gumla ní Jharkhand, India lẹ́yìn tí a fi ẹ̀sùn-un àjẹ́ kàn wọ́n.


According to reports, the victims were accused of causing a man's death and they were eventually found guilty of witchcraft by a Panchayat (a village assembly).


Gẹ̀gẹ̀ bí ìjábọ̀ ìròyìn, àwọn àgbàlagbà wọ̀nyí ṣe ikú pa ọkùnrin kan, ni ìgbìmọ̀ abúlée Panchayat ṣe dá wọn lẹ́bi.


The victims were dragged out of their homes and beaten to death by masked men wielding sticks.


Wọ́n wọ́ àwọn àgbàlagbà mẹ́rin wọ̀nyí jáde síta ilée wọn, àwọn ọkùnrin tí ó bòjú sì fi igi lù wọ́n títí tí ẹ̀mí fi bọ́ lára wọn.


Eight of the attackers were subsequently arrested by police.


Mẹ́jọ nínú àwọn ènìyànkéènìà wọ̀nyí ti wà ní akóló ọlọ́pàá.


According to police data published by The Times of India, witch-hunting in Jharkhand has claimed 123 lives from May 2016 to May 2019.


Gẹ̀gẹ̀ bí àkọsílẹ̀ ọlọ́pàá tí Times of India tẹ̀jáde, ìṣọdẹ-àjẹ́ ní Jharkhand ti rán àwọn ènìyàn 123 sọ́run àpàpàǹdodo ní àárín-in oṣù Èbìbí ọdún-un 2016 sí oṣù Èbìbí ọdún-un 2019.


"Across the country, 134 people were killed for the alleged use of ""black magic"" in 2016, according to the National Crime Records Bureau."


"Jákèjádò, ènìyàn 134 di ẹni ẹbọra-ń-bá-jẹun látàrí èsùn-un lílo ""ògùngùn"" ní ọdún-un 2016, ìyẹn gẹ̀gẹ̀ bí Àjọ Aṣàkọsílẹ̀ Ẹ̀ṣẹ̀ Orílẹ̀-èdè náà ṣe kọ́ ọ sílẹ̀."


A Perpetual Malady


"Àrùn T""ó Ń Peléke Sí i"


"""Witch-hunting is not new in Jharkhand,"" says Prem Chand, the Founding Chairman of the Free Legal Aid Committee (FLAC) in Jharkhand, in a telephonic interview."


"""Ìṣọdẹ-àjẹ́ kò jẹ́ tuntun ní Jharkhand,"" Prem Chand, Olúdásílẹ̀ àti Alága Free Legal Aid Committee (FLAC) ní Jharkhand, sọ nínúu ìfọ̀rọ̀wánilẹ́nuwò orí ẹ̀ro-ìbánisọ̀rọ̀ kan."


FLAC has been instrumental in bringing about legislation against witch-hunting in Jharkhand.


FLAC ti ń ṣe àtọ́nàa ìṣòfin tí ó tako ìṣọdẹ-àjẹ́ ní Jharkhand.


The organisation first began working in this area in 1991 when a woman was accused by her neighbour of causing a boy's death.


Iléeṣẹ́ náà bẹ̀rẹ̀ iṣẹ́ ní agbègbè yìí ní ọdún-un 1991 nígbà tí àwọn aládùúgbò fi ẹ̀sùn kan obìnrin kan pé ó lọ́wọ́ nínú ikú ọmọdékùnrin kan.


An irate mob attacked her and killed her husband and son.


Àgbájọ àwọn ènìyànkéènìà kan dìgbò lù ú, wọ́n sì pa ọkọ àti ọmọ rẹ̀ ọkùnrin.


She sustained injuries.


Òún fi ara pa.


When Prem Chand and his colleagues visited the offenders in the prison, they were met with defiance:


Nígbàtí Prem Chand àti àwọn ẹlẹgbẹ́ẹ rẹ̀ ṣe ìbẹ̀wò sí àwọn ẹlẹ́ṣẹ̀ wọ̀nyí nínúu túbú, wọ́n bá ìpèníjà:


They told us that they stood by their accusation.


Wọ́n sọ fún wọn wípé àwọn dúró lé oríi ẹ̀sùn tí wọ́n fi kan àwọn.


They also shared a belief that when the blood of a woman branded as a witch falls on the ground, she loses her so-called powers of sorcery.


Wọ́n sì tún gbàgbọ́ wípé bí ẹ̀jẹ̀ẹ ẹni tí a pè ní àjẹ́ bá kan ilẹ̀ ọ̀gẹ́rẹ́, yóò pàdánù agbára ẹlẹyẹ rẹ̀.


Prem Chand says that it affects specific sectors of the population:


Prem Chand sọ wípé ó kan apá kan nínú àwọn ọmọ ìlú:


Usually, it is the women from the weaker sections of the society and economically backward regions that are targeted.


Nígbàgbogbo, àwọn obìnrin tí kò lárá tí ó tálákà ní í máa ń fi ara kááṣá.


The victims are mostly Adivasis, Harijans and Dalits.


Àwọn tí ó f'ara kááṣá wọ̀nyí ni àwọn Adivasis, Harijans àti Dalits.


It is an assault on the dignity of women and a violation of constitutional rights for a dignified life for every human being.


Ìfojú iyì àwọn obìnrin àti ìtasẹ̀ àgẹ̀rẹ̀ sí òfin ẹ̀tọ́ sí ayé iyì fún gbogbo ọmọ ènìyàn.


The Social and Political Realities


Òtítọ́ Àwùjọ àti Ìṣèlú


Activists say that deeply rooted superstitions prevalent in the hinterlands are a major cause behind the practice.


Àwọn ajìjàngbara sọ wípé ìgbàgbọ́-asán tí ó rinlẹ̀ ní ìgbèríko ni ó ń fa ìwà pálapalà náà.


A lack of education, poor health facilities and economic backwardness mark the regions where these practices are prevalent.


"Àìgbẹ̀kọ́, ètò ìlera tí ò pójú òṣùwọ̀n àti kòlàkòṣagbe tí ó ń gb""àgbègbè tí ìwà pálapalà wọ̀nyí ti gbalẹ̀ bí i ìtàkùn ni ó fi wọ́pọ̀."


The cases so far show that often a rumor started by someone is enough to get the ball rolling.


Ọ̀ràn wọ̀nyí ti fi hàn wípé àhesọ ni ó máa fi ń bẹ̀rẹ̀ .


Despite the laws enacted by various Indian states which declare witch-hunting to be illegal, participants in these cases see it as a form of self-defense.


Pẹ̀lú òfin àwọn ìpínlẹ̀ India tí ó ka ìṣọdẹ-àjẹ́ sí ohun tí ó lòdì sófin, àwọn akópa ọ̀ràn wọ̀nyí rí i gẹ́gẹ́ bí ọ̀nà ìdáààbò-ara-ẹni.


It is also used as an excuse for grabbing resources owned by women, exacting revenge or even exploiting women for sex.


Bákan náà ni wọ́n ń wí àwáwí fún gbígba ohun ìní àwọn obìnrin, fi agbára gbẹ̀san tàbí fi ipá bá obìnrin lò pọ̀.


According to Prem Chand:


Gẹ́gẹ́ bí Prem Chand ṣe ti sọ:


The premise is that once you brand a woman as a witch, you can subject her to any treatment.


Àtètèròtẹ́lẹ̀ ni wípé ní kété tí o bá ti pe obìnrin ní àjẹ́, o lè tẹríi rẹ̀ ba fún ìlòkulò.


However, it is important to note that the practice is used as a justification for exploitation and is not a cause behind it per se.


Síbẹ̀síbẹ̀, ó ṣe kókó láti mọ̀ wípé wọn máa ń lo ìwà pálapàla yìí fi gba tara àwọn obìnrin, kò sì kìí ṣe ìdí tí ó ń fà á pàtó.


Ironically, the panchayat often provides tacit approval for branding a person a witch even if does not pass ruling on the punishment to be meted out.


Ní ti ẹ̀fẹ̀, láì wí tó, panchayat náà sábà máa ń lọ́wọ́ sí ìpènìyàn ní àjẹ́ pàápàá bí kò bá pàṣẹ ìjìyà t'ó tọ́.


In addition to the elected panchayat, there are self-styled caste panchayats with no legal mandate whatsoever that operate in certain parts of the country.


Ní àfikùn sí panchayat tí ìbó yàn, àwọn kan ńbẹ tí wọ́n pe ara wọn ní panchayat ipò-ìsàlẹ̀ láì ní àṣẹ kankan tí ó fún wọn lágbara níbikíbi ní orílẹ̀-èdè.


These bodies pass verdicts and mete out punishments and remain largely unchallenged.


Àwọn ẹgbẹ́ yìí máa ń dájọ́ àti fi ìyà jẹ ènìyàn tí kò sì sí ẹni tí ó ká wọn lápá kò.


An incident in Ajmer district of Rajasthan in 2017 reported involvement of caste panchayat leading to the death of a 40-year-old woman.


"Ìṣẹ̀lẹ̀ kan ní agbègbèe Ajmer ní Rajasthan lọ́dún-un 2017 jábọ̀ ìlọ́wọ́sí panchayat ipò-ìsàlẹ̀ tí ó ṣ""okùnfa ikú obìnrin ogójì ọdún kan."


Legally, the courts can take action against such verdicts in case of both elected panchayats and caste panchayats.


Gẹ́gẹ́ bí òfin, ilé ẹjọ́ lé gbé ìgbésẹ̀ tí ó tako irúu ìdájọ́ báwọ̀nyí yálà láti ọ̀dọ̀ àwọn panchayat tí ìbó yàn àti panchayat ipò-ìsàlẹ̀.


However, the victims seldom get the opportunity to reach a court of law before they become targets of mobs.


Síbẹ̀síbẹ̀, àwọn tí ó fara kááṣá ò tilẹ̀ ní àǹfààní sí ilé-ẹjọ́ òfin kí àgbájọ-àwọn-ènìyànkéènìà ó tó kojúu wọn.


Witch-hunting across India


Ìṣọdẹ-àjẹ́ jákèjádò India


Jharkhand has recorded the highest number of crimes committed in the name of witch-hunting but it is not the only state.


Jharkhand ti ṣe àkọsílẹ̀ iye ẹṣẹ̀ àwọn ènìyán ṣẹ̀ tí ó pọ̀ jù lọ tí ó tan mọ́ ìṣọdẹ-àjẹ́ àmọ́ kì í ṣe ìpínlẹ̀ náà nìkan.


Cases of witch-hunting have been reported from Chattisgarh, Odisha, Gujarat, West Bengal Assam, Bihar, Maharashtra and Rajasthan too.


"Ọ̀ràn-an ìṣọdẹ-àjẹ́ ti wà l""ákọsílẹ̀ ní Chattisgarh, Odisha, Gujarat, West Bengal Assam, Bihar, Maharashtra àti Rajasthan pẹ̀lú."


In a chilling incident in 2014, Debjani Bora, an Indian athlete had become a target in Assam.


Nígbà ìṣẹ̀lẹ̀ kan ní 2014, Debjani Bora, ẹlẹ́sẹ̀ ehoro ọmọ bíbíi orílẹ̀-èdèe India ti fi ara kááṣá rí.


According to Debjani's statements, she was accused of being the cause of several deaths in Cherekali village located 180 km from Guwahati, the capital of the eastern state in India.


"Gẹ́gẹ́ bí ọ̀rọ̀ọ Debjani, a f""ẹ̀sùn-un ìgbẹ̀mí ènìyàn púpọ̀ kàn án ní abúlée Cherekali tí ó wà ní kìlómità 180 láti Guwahati, olú-ìlúu India ti apáa ìlà-oòrùn."


She was allegedly named by a headman of a village prayer hall and brutally assaulted by the villagers.


"Olóríi gbọ̀gán àdúrà abúlé l""ó dárúkọ rẹ̀ tí àwọn ará abúlé sí fi ìyà jẹ́ ẹ."


2017 witnessed several cases in the state of Rajasthan.


Ìṣẹ̀lẹ̀ 2017 ní ipínlẹ̀ Rajasthan.


Among these, a 40-year-old woman Kanya Devi was attacked and beaten to death after being accused by her family members in Ajmer district of the state.


Lára èyí ni, ọmọbìnrin ogójì ọdún kan Kanya Devi rí ìkọlù tí a sì lù ú pa lẹ́yìn tí mọ̀lẹ́bíi rẹ̀ fi ẹ̀sùn kàn án ní agbègbèe Ajmer.


Victims and Survivors


Àwọn Ẹni-tó-fara-kááṣá àti Ẹni-tórí-kó-yọ


People blame accused witches for causing a slew of misfortunes: the death of a person or animal, droughts, crop failures, etc.


"Àwọn ènìyàn ń f""ẹ̀sùn kan àwọn ẹlẹyẹ fún iṣẹ́-ibi ọwọ́ọ wọn: ikú ènìyàn tàbí ẹranko, ọ̀dá òjò, àìso jìngbìnnì irúgbìn, àti bẹ́èbẹ́è lọ."


The attacks on these women (and some men) are vicious and inhuman.


Ìkọlù tí ó kọ lu àwọn obìnrin wọ̀nyí (àti àwọn ọkùnrin kan) rorò bí ẹranko ẹhànnà.


At times, the accusations and punishment are meted out by their families.


Nígbà mìíràn, àwọn èsùn náà àti ìjìyà ẹṣé máa wá láti ọ̀dọ̀ mọ̀lébíi wọn.


Some have lived to tell the tale and fight. Chutni Mahato of Saraikela in Jharkhand is one of them.


Àwọn kan ń gbé tí wọ́n sì ń sọ ìtàn-an wọn tí wọ́n sì ń jà fún ẹ̀tọ́ọ wọn.


"People from the region call her a ""tigress."""


Chutni Mahato ti Saraikela ní Jharkhand jẹ́ ọ̀kan lára wọn.


She was accused of practicing witchcraft in 1995.


"Àwọn ènìyàn láti agbègbè náà máa ń pè é ní ""tigress."""


Since then, she has transformed into an activist crusading against the victimization of women in the name of witch-hunting with the help of NGOs working to end the practice.


Wọ́n fi ẹ̀sùn-un àjẹ́ kàn-án ní ọdún-un 1995. Láti ìgbà náà, ó ti yírapadà di ajìjàǹgbara olùtako ìfìyàjẹ àwọn obìnrin pẹ̀lú àtìléyìn Ilé-iṣẹ́-tí-kìí-ṣe-tìjọba.


Chutni expresses how the lack of resources often makes it a struggle to fight against the practice.


Chutni sọ bí àìsí àtìlẹ́yìn tó késejárí ṣe mú u nira láti jà tako ìwà pálapàla yìí.


I wish there was more support from the authorities and government for the work that we are doing here.


Ìbájẹ́pé àtìlẹ́yìn tó tó wá láti ọwọ́ àwọn oníṣẹọba àti ìjọba fún iṣẹ́ tí à ń ṣe níbí.


However, I have suffered because of this practice.


Síbẹ̀síbẹ̀, mo ti jìyà nítorí ìwà pálapàla yìí.


When someone comes to me for help, I am always going to stand by them, she said in a telephonic interview.


Bí ènìyàn bá tọ̀ mí wá fún ìrànlọ́wọ́, mo máa dúró tì wọ́n gbágbágbá, ó sọ nínúu ìfọ̀rọ̀wánilẹ́nuwò orí ẹ̀ro-ìbánisọ̀rọ̀ kan.


Formulating Public Opinion


Dídá Ohùn Gbogboògbò Sí i


Both the survivors and activists feel that there is a lack of public opinion in support of ending witch-hunting.


Àwọn ẹni-tórí-kó-yọ àti ajàfẹ́tọ̀ọ́-ènìyàn rò wípé àwọn ènìyàn gbogbo kò ti ìfòpin sí ìṣọdẹ-àjẹ́ lẹ́yìn.


The activists who were interviewed for this story expressed a paucity of political will and intellectual engagement to provide the momentum required for the campaign against the heinous practice to succeed.


Àwọn ajàfẹ́tọ̀ọ́-ènìyàn tí a fọ̀rọ̀ wá lẹ́nu wò lórí ìṣẹ̀lẹ̀ yìí jẹ́ kí á mọ̀ wípé àbùkù ìrànwọ́ ìjọba àti àwọn onímọ̀ ni kò mú ìwà àìbójúmu náà ṣíra kásẹ̀ ńlẹ̀.


A silver lining in this dark cloud is that people working against the practice believe that the situation can be turned around.


Ohun tí ó dára jù lọ ni wípé àwọn tí ó ń tako ìwà burúkú yìí gbàgbọ́ wípé àyípadà lè dé.


Ní ọ̀rọ̀ọ Prem Chand:


The efforts for ending witch hunting can be modeled on the same principles that the government has used for promoting other social problems such as the literacy mission.


"Akitiyan láti f""òpin sí ìṣọdẹ-àjẹ́ lè tẹ̀lé ìlànà tí ìjọba fi polongo ètò mímọ̀ọ-kọ-àti-mímọ̀ọ-kà."


Also, the intellectuals would have to lend their support to the cause to mold the public opinion.


"Bákan náà, àwọn onímọ̀ ní láti f""ọwọ́ sí i k""áwọn ènìyàn ó ba f'ohùn sí i."


The sources for the story were interviewed with the assistance of B. Vijay Murty, a journalist and resident editor based out of Jharkhand.


B. Vijay Murty, akọ̀ròyìn àti olùgbé Jharkhand ni ó gbọ̀rọ̀ sílẹ̀ lẹ́nu àwọn tí ọ̀rọ́ kàn.


Caring for Myanmar's orphaned elephants


Ìtọ́jú àwọn erin aláìlóbìíi Myanmar


A camp staff member bottle-feeds Ayeyar Maung. / Aung Kyaw Htet / The Irrawaddy


Òṣìṣẹ́ àgọ̀ kan ń rọ Ayeyar Maung ní oúnjẹ. / Aung Kyaw Htet / The Irrawaddy


This article by Aung Kyaw Htet is from The Irrawaddy, an independent news website in Myanmar, and is republished on Global Voices as part of a content-sharing agreement.


Àpilẹ̀kọ jẹ́ ti Aung Kyaw Htet tí ó kọ́ fún The Irrawaddy, iléeṣẹ́ oníròyìnin orí ayélujára ní Myanmar, tí Ohùn Àgbáyé ṣe àtúntẹ̀jádée rẹ̀ ní ìbámu pẹ̀lú àdéhùn ìbáṣepọ̀ tí ó wà láàárín wọn.


When forestry staff found her deep in the jungle of the Irrawaddy Delta, Ayeyar Sein was three months old.


Nígbà tí àwọn òṣìṣẹ́ alábòójútó igbó rí i nínú ijù tí ó sún mọ́ Etí-omi Irrawaddy, oṣù mẹ́ta ni Ayeyar Sein nígbà náà.


One of her legs was caught in a steel trap laid by poachers.


Ẹsẹ̀ẹ rẹ̀ kan ti lu páḿpẹ́ àwọn ajérangbépa.


Workers from the government's timber extraction enterprise saved her and sent her to an elephant camp in Bago Region for treatment.


Àwọn onígẹdú ìjọba ló dóòlà ẹ̀míi rẹ̀, wọ́n sì gbé e lọ sí àgọ́ erin kan ní Agbègbèe Bago fún ìtọ́jú.


Now she is one of eight calves being sheltered at Wingabaw, Myanmar's only elephant orphanage.


Òhun ni ọ̀dọ̀ erin kẹjọ tí yóò rí ààbò ní Wingabaw, ibi ààbò fún àwọn erin Myanmar tí kò lóbìí.


Another calf, Ayeyar Maung, endured a similar ordeal.


Ọ̀dọ́ erin mìíràn, Ayeyar Maung náà rí nǹkan.


Before his arrival at the camp, the six-month-old was snared in a wire trap.


Kí ó tó di èròo àgọ́ náà, erin oṣù mẹ́fà náà ti lu okùn.


As he was stuck among a group of boulders in the same forest where Ayeyar Sein was found, his herd was forced to leave him behind.


Ó sì há sí àárín àwọn òkúta nínú ijù kan náà tí a ti rí Ayeyar Sein, àwọn ọ̀wọ́ọ rẹ̀ tó kù fi í sílẹ̀ lọ.


However, forest workers were able to free him and he arrived at the camp last year.


Síbẹ̀, àwọn alábòójútó ijù tú u sílẹ̀, ó sì di aráa àgọ́ náà ní ọdún tó kọjá.


They are the youngest of the orphans at the camp; the oldest is nearly four years their senior.


Àwọn méjèèjì ni erin aláìlóbìíi tí ó kéré jù lọ nínú àgọ́ náà; ọdún mẹ́rin ni erin tí ó dàgbà jù gbà lọ́wọ́ọ wọn.


All have tragic backgrounds.


Gbogbo wọn ni ó ní ìtàn kan tàbí òmíràn tí ó jẹ mọ́ ìjìyà láti ọwọ́ ẹ̀dá ọmọ ènìyàn adáríhununrun.


Some were left by their herds, while others were orphaned when their parents were killed by poachers.


Àwọn kan kò rí ọ̀wọ́ọ wọn tí wọ́n jọ ń jẹ̀ mọ́, àwọn mìíì di aláìlóbìíi lẹ́yìn tí àwọn tí ó ń pa ẹran nínú ìgbẹ́ nípakúpa pa òbíi wọn.


At Wingabaw Camp, the motherless calves rely on baby formula provided daily by staff.


Ní àgọ́ tí ó wà ní Wingabaw, àwọn ọ̀dọ́ erin tí kò ní òbí náà gbẹ́kẹ̀lé oúnjẹ ọmọ ìkókó tí àwọn alábòójútó ijù ń pèsè fún wọn lójoojúmọ́.


They are allowed to roam in the forest in the morning and wash in a nearby stream before returning to the camp.


Ààyé gbà wọ́n láti jẹ̀ nínú ijù ní òwúrò, wọn yóò sì wẹ̀ nínú odò kékeré kan nítòsí kí wọn ó tó padà sí àgọ́.


Currently, it is believed that Myanmar has nearly 1,500 wild elephants.


Lọ́wọ́ lọ́wọ́ báyìí, Myanmar yóò fẹ́rẹ̀ẹ́ ní tó erin ẹgàn 1,500.


But they are under serious threat from poaching, with elephants being killed at the alarming rate of one a week.


Àmọ́ ó jẹ́ ohun tí ó bani lọ́kàn jẹ́ nítorí pé àwọn tí ó ń dá ẹ̀míi wọn légbodò kò jẹ́ kí wọn ó gbé ayé, erin kan lọ́sẹ̀ kan ni wọ́n ń pa.


"Tobago's coral bleaching alert makes it clear there is ""no alternative"" to fighting the climate crisis"


Iyùn Tobago tí ó ti ń pàwọ̀dà fi hàn gbàgàdàgbagada pé kò sí ọ̀nà mìíràn ju kíkojú àyípadà ojú-ọjọ́


"The island's reefs are on ""Bleaching Alert Level One"""


Bleached stag horn coral. Photo by Matt Kieffer, CC BY-SA 2.0.


Iyùn bí ìwo àgbọ̀nrín tí ó ti pàwọ̀dà. Àworán láti ọwọ́ọ Matt Kieffer, CC BY-SA 2.0.


Tobago's coral reefs are an integral part of both the island's marine ecosystem and its economy.


Iyùn-un abẹ́ òkúta òkun jẹ́ ohun tí a ò leè fọwọ́ rọ́ sẹ́yìn nínú àwọn àmúṣọrọ̀ tí ó ń mú ọrọ̀ Ajé Tobago àti àwọn àyíká erékùṣù náà gbòòrò.


Home to numerous species of marine life (and a main source of fish for local fishermen), they also protect the coastline from wave erosion and the effects of tropical storms.


Ibùgbé ọ̀kan-òjọ̀kan ẹ̀yà ẹ̀dá inú omi (àti ibi ẹja pípa fún àwọn apẹja ìbílẹ̀), tí ó sì tún ń dá ààbò bo èbúté, èyí tí kò mú kí àwọn ìjì líle etí omi ó pọ̀ kọjá àlà ni à ń sọ.


Popular spots like Buccoo Reef are also popular tourist attractions.


Òkúta inú òkun Buccoo Reef tí o gbajúmọ̀ bí ìṣáná ẹlẹ́ta tí àwọn arìnrìn-àjò afẹ́ máa ń wọ́ tùùrùtù níbẹ̀ náà kò gbẹ́yìn.


"But after a press release issued by the country's Institute of Marine Affairs (IMA) on August 22, 2019, in which it warned that - based on findings from the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration's (NOAA) Coral Reef Watch - Tobago's coral reefs have been placed on a watch for ""Bleaching Alert Level One,"" all eyes are on the island."


"Àmọ́ lẹ́yìn àtẹ̀jáde kan sí ilé ìròyìn tí Àjọ tí ó ń ṣàkóso Omi orílẹ̀ èdè náà (IMA) tẹ̀ jáde ní ọjọ́ 22, oṣù Ògún ọdún-un 2019, èyí tí ó kìlọ̀ wípé - ìwádìíi National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) Coral Reef Watch sọ wípé - iyùn abẹ́ òkúta òkun Tobago ti bọ́ sì abẹ́ ìṣọ́ láti ṣe òfíntótó ""Ìkéde Ìpàwọ̀dàa Ìpele Ìkíni,"" gbogbo ojú ló ń wo erékùṣù náà."


There is a distinct possibility that the bleaching could advance to Level Two within a matter of weeks, which would threatens not only the existence of the reefs themselves, but also the island's marine life and people.


A ì í ṣe é mọ̀, ìpàwọ̀dà náà lè fò fẹ̀rẹ̀ sí ìpele kejì láàárín ọ̀sẹ̀ díẹ̀, tí yóò sì fa àkóbá fún ìwàláàyè àwọn iyùn wọ̀nyí, àwọn ẹ̀dá inú omi mìíràn àti àwọn olùgbé erékùṣù náà.


What exactly is bleaching?


Kí ni ohun tí ń pàwọ̀dà ní pàtó?


Corals coexist with and become home to symbiotic algae, helping it store nutrients and remove waste.


Alábàágbé àti alájọṣe iyùn ni àwọn ewé inú omi tí ó máa ń bá a kó ohun aṣaralóore pamọ́ àti da èérí ara nù.


In return, the algae gives the coral the energy it needs to grow, but drastic changes in water temperature can threaten this cooperative relationship.


Ewé wọ̀nyí yóò sì fún iyùn ní okun tí ó nílò fún ìdàgbàsókè, àmọ́ àyípadà ìgbóná inú omi ń dí àjọṣepọ̀ yìí lọ́wọ́.


When water becomes too hot (or too cold) the corals expel the algae - and with it, its main source of food.


Bí omi bá gbóná ju bí ó ṣe yẹ lọ (tàbí bí ó bá tutù jù) àwọn iyùn yóò lé ewé omi - tí yóò sì pàdánù ọwọ́ tí ó ń fi oúnjẹ nù ún.


Eventually, the coral starves to death; the most noticeable outward sign of this phenomenon is that the coral loses its colour, going from shades of brown and green to a crisp, brittle, bone white.


Àṣèyìnwá àṣẹ̀yìnbọ̀, ebi yóò pa iyùn kú; àwọ̀ ara tí yóò yí padà ni àmì tí a ó fi mọ̀, ìpàwọ̀dà láti àwọ̀ olómi-ọkà àti ewéko sí funfun egungun.


Bleaching Level Alert One means that the corals are extremely likely to start the bleaching process.


Ìkéde Ìpàwọ̀dà Ìpele Kìíní ń kéde wípé bí a kò bá wá nǹkan ṣe sí i, àwọn iyùn náà yóò bẹ̀rẹ̀ sí í pàwọ̀dà.


The IMA therefore suggests that both biologists and citizens should keep an eye out for signs of bleaching over the next 9-12 weeks.


IMA dábàá wípé kí àwọn onímọ̀ ìṣẹ̀dá àti ọmọ ìlú ó máa ṣọ́ àwọn ẹ̀dá inú omi náà fún àwọn àmì ìpàwọ̀dà ní àárín-in ọ̀sẹ̀ mẹ́sàn-án sí méjìlá tí ó ń bọ̀.


Level Two bleaching would be an indication of widespread coral bleaching and coral mortality.


Ìpele ìpàwọ̀dà kejì yóò jẹ́ ìtọ́ka sí ìpàwọ̀dà iyùn kárí ayé àti ikú iyùn.


What causes it?


Kí ló fa sábàbí?


According to local coral reef ecologist Anjani Ganase, the main contributors to coral bleaching in Tobago are the warmer water temperatures - a result of climate change.


Gẹ́gẹ́ bí onímọ̀ àyíká ìbílẹ̀ Anjani Ganase ti ṣe ṣàlàyé, ọ̀dádá tí ó dá ìpàwọ̀dà iyùn-un Tobago ni ìwọ̀n ìgbóná omi tí ó re òkè - tí í ṣe arapa àyípadà ojú-ọjọ́.


Via email, Ganase explained that the ocean absorbs much of the heat in the atmosphere, which in turn causes the water - especially shallower bodies of water, like the Caribbean Sea - to heat up.


Nínú ímeèlì, Ganase ṣàlàyé wípé òkun máa ń fa èyí tí ó pọ̀ nínú ooru inú afẹ́fẹ́ mu, tí ó sì ń fa kí omi - pàápàá jù lọ àwọn ibú omi jínjìn gbungbunrungbun bíi Ọ̀sàa Caribbean - ó gbóná janjan.


In fact, NOAA's 12-week outlook extends well past Tobago to the reefs of the Lesser Antilles.


Kódà, ìṣọ́ ọlọ́sẹ̀ méjìláa NOAA Tobago tan pinpin àyípadà yìí dé iyùn Lesser Antilles.


Other reefs around the region, most notably in parts of the Greater Antilles and Cuba, have already been placed on a Level Two Bleaching Alert:


Àwọn òkúta tí ó wà ní agbègbè náà, bíi Greater Antilles àti Cuba, ti wà ní Ìpele Kejì Ìkéde Ìpàwọ̀dà:


What are its effects?


Kí ni arapa rẹ̀?


Coral bleaching is a huge threat.


Ohun tí ó léwu ni ìpàwọ̀dàa iyùn.


Because reefs provide fishes with a habitat that allows them to have access to shelter, food and most importantly, shelter for their young until they are ready to survive in the wider ocean, the proposition of losing them will impact the ability of fish species to survive.


Nítorí wípé iyùn máa fún ẹja ní oúnjẹ, òun náà ni ó dúró gẹ́gẹ́ bí ilé fún àwọn ẹja àti fún àwọn ọmọ ẹja tí kòì tíì lè wẹ̀ nínú alagbalúgbú omi, nítorí ìdí èyí, bí a bá pàdánùu wọn, ẹja náà yóò bá wọn lọ.


It will also negatively affect the livelihoods of local fishermen.


Bí ẹjá bá sì tán lómi, iṣẹ́ bọ́ lọ́wọ́ àwọn apẹja nìyẹn.


Tobago relies very heavily on its local tourism industry; its reefs reportedly attract around 40 per cent of the island's tourists.


Tobago gbẹ́kẹ̀lé iléeṣẹ́ ìrìnàjò afẹ́ ìbílẹ̀; ìdá 40 àwọn arìnrìn-àjò afẹ́ erékùṣù yìí ni ó máa ń wá láti wo àwọn iyùn omi wọ̀nyí.


Should coral bleaching continue, there will be fewer thriving reefs for people to explore and quite likely, a reduction in tourism dollars, which affects a range of hospitality-related industries: hotels, restaurants, transport services and tour companies.


Bí ìpàwọ̀dà bá tẹ̀síwájú, àwọn ènìyàn kò ní rí òkúta iyùn, owó dollar ìrìnàjò afẹ́ yóò fìdí jálẹ̀, tí yóò sì kó bá àwọn iléeṣẹ́ agbàlejò bíi: ilé ìtura, ilé ìjẹun, iṣẹ́ ìgbòkègbodò ọkọ̀ àti ilé iṣẹ́ aṣàkóso ìrìnàjò.


The great irony is that, as tropical storms intensify as a result of the climate crisis, reefs are needed more than ever to absorb the force of waves and create a buffer between the ocean and the shore - but the reefs are compromised by global heating.


Bí ìjì líle bá ń pọ̀ sí i látàrí ségesège ojú-ọjọ́, òkúta iyùn-ún níṣẹ́ pàtàkì ní ṣíṣe láti fa agbára àwọn ìgbé omi àti ìdúró gẹ́gẹ́ bí alárinà láàárín òkun àti etí òkun - àmọ́ ìgbóná àgbáńlá ayé ń dí i lọ́wọ́ láti ṣiṣẹ́ẹ rẹ̀.


Studies show that coral reefs protect around 90 per cent of Tobago's shoreline from wave-induced erosion.


Ìwádìí ti fi ìdíi rẹ̀ múlẹ̀ wípé òkúta iyùn ní ń gba ìdá 90 etídò Tobago sílẹ̀-lọ́wọ́ ọ̀gbàrá tí ìgbé omi ń fà.


In a feature address at the International Year of the Reef at the University of the West Indies in 2018, Professor John Agard said that this function will only become more important as storm intensities increase and sea levels rise.


Ní ibi ètò Àyájọ́ Ọdún Òkúta iyùn ní Ifásitì West Indies ní ọdún-un 2018, Ọ̀jọ̀gbọ́n John Agard sọ wípé iṣẹ́ yìí yóò pọ̀ sí i bí ìjì ṣe ń pọ̀ sí i àti bí ọ̀sà ṣe ń kún sókè.


What can we do to stop it?


Kí ni a lè ṣe láti dẹ́kun rẹ̀?


Ganase says the lack of proper management that has allowed overfishing and pollution to go unchecked has made Tobago's coral bleaching worse.


Ganase ní pé àìmójútò omi wọ̀nyí bí ó ti tọ́ ló fa ẹja pípa kọjá àlà àti ìbàjẹ́ àyíká ni eku ẹdá tí ó fa ìpàwọ̀dà iyùn-un Tobago.


If this continues, she explains, active management and protection will be critical for full recovery and growth:


Bí ó bá ń bá a lọ bẹ́ẹ̀, títẹmpẹlẹ mọ́ ìṣàkóso àti ààbò òkúta iyùn nìkan ló lè mú kí wọn ó padà bọ̀ sípò àti dàgbà:


Ideally, coral reefs should be closed to the public and placed into an intensive recovery programme to ensure healthy fish communities and water quality that will support coral growth and recruitment.


Ó yẹ kí òkúta iyùn ó di ohun tí yóò pamọ́ fún àwọn èrò, kí iṣẹ́ ìràpadà ó fẹsẹ̀ múlẹ̀ kí ọ̀wọ́ ẹja onílera àti omi tí ó dára tí yóò mú kí iyùn ó dàgbà ó padà.


She added:


Ó sọ síwájú sí i:


Individual actions to reduce our carbon footprintare are always warranted but we also need citizens to demand more action from our governments to provide the infrastructure, resources and education for climate conservation and adaptation.


Ojúṣe oníkálukú ni láti dín èéfín inú àyíká kù, bẹ́ẹ̀ náà ni ọmọ aráyé ní ẹ̀tọ́ láti béèrè fún iṣẹ́ ìlọsíwájú láti ọ̀dọ̀ àwọn ìjọba kí wọn ó pèsè ohun tí yóò mú nǹkan sún pẹ́lí, ohun èlò àti ìdánilẹ́kọ̀ọ́ nípa ìpamọ́ àti ìfikọ́ra.


Communities need the support to manage and conserve our natural resources not just from governments but from businesses and corporations that also utilise these resources.


Ó pọn dandan kí a ṣàkóso àti ìpamọ́ ohun àlùmọ́ọ́nì wa, bóyá ìjọba ni o tàbí iléeṣẹ́ ńláńlá tí ó ń lo àwọn àlùmọ́ọ́nì wọ̀nyí.


There is a pressing need for regional island governments to demand an international effort in tackling the climate crisis.


Ó ti di ṣíṣe fún ìjọba ti erékùṣù agbègbè kan náà láti kéde nípa ojúṣe àgbáyé ní ti ìgbógunti ìṣòro àyípadà ojú-ọjọ́.


"On September 11, 2019, Barbadian Prime Minister Mia Mottley addressed this issue at the United Nations"" Geneva headquarters, urging larger nations to do better in fighting climate change."


Ní ọjọ́ 11, oṣù Ọ̀wẹwẹ̀, ọdún-un 2019, Olùdarí Barbadia Mia Mottley mẹ́nu lé ìṣòro yìí ní olú iléeṣẹ́ Àjọ Àgbáyé ní Geneva, ó ń rọ àwọn orílẹ̀-èdè ńlá kí wọn ó gbé ìgbésẹ̀ akin láti kọjúu àyípadà ojú-ọjọ́.


"The islands of the Caribbean, she said, ""do not have the luxury of time because [we] are busy trying to survive."""


"Ó sọ wípé, erékùṣù Caribbean, ""kò ní àsìkò tí ó pọ̀ nítorí [à] ń ṣiṣẹ́ ìyè lọ́wọ́ ."""


Ganase agrees about the urgency of the matter.


Ganase gbà wípé ọ̀ràn náà gba àtúnṣe ní kíákíá.


"Any and all forms of aid in tackling climate change and coral bleaching, she said, especially on political levels, ""requires effort"":"


"Ohun gbogbo tí ó bá gbà láti gba òròmọdìẹ ojú-ọjọ́ lọ́wọ́ àyípadà àti ìdẹ́kun ìpàwọ̀dà iyùn ni kí á fi fún un, ó sọ wípé, pàápàá jù lọ ""iṣẹ́ ń bẹ"" fún àwọn tí ó ń ṣe òṣèlú:"


It's not going to be easy as seen internationally, but there is really no alternative.


Bí a ṣe ń wò ó, kò ní jẹ́ ohun tí ó rọrùn, àmọ́ ọ̀nà àbáyọ mìíràn ń bẹ.


Travel: An extreme sport for Africans


Ìrìn-àjò: Ìpẹ̀kun eré-ìdárayá fún Ọmọ-adúláwọ̀


Visa applications can feel like a sacrifice to the gods


Ìṣèbéèrè fún ìwé ìrìnnà dà bíi ẹbọ fún àwọn òòsà


Africa silhouette image by Natasha Sinegina (CC BY-SA 4.0).


Àwòràn olójìjì láti ọwọ́ọ Natasha Sinegina (CC BY-SA 4.0).


Visa page images by Jon Evans (CC BY 2.0).


Àwòrán ojú-ewé ìwé ìrìnnà látọwọ́ọ Jon Evans (CC BY 2.0).


Image remix by Georgia Popplewell.


Àtúntò àwòrán-an látọwọ́ọ Georgia Popplewell.


In 2019, Temitayo Olofinlua, a Nigerian writer and academic, was denied a visa to attend the European Conference on African Studies in Edinburgh, UK.


Ní ọdún-un 2019, a kò fún Tèmítáyọ̀ Ọlọ́finlúà, òǹkọ̀wé àti ọ̀mọ̀wé ọmọbíbí orílẹ̀-èdèe Nàìjíríà, ní ìwé ìrìnnà láti lọ sí Àpérò Lórí Ẹ̀kọ́ Ilẹ̀ Adúláwọ̀ ní Éróòpù tí ó wáyé ní Edinburgh, UK.


"The British High Commission in Nigeria said they were ""not satisfied"" that Olofinlua would leave the UK at the end of her trip."


"Ìgbìmọ̀ Àgbà Sórílẹ̀-èdè Britain ní Nàìjíríà sọ wípé àwọn kò ""sí àrídájú"" tí ó tẹ̀ àwọn lọ́rùn wípé Ọlọ́finlúà yóò fi UK sílẹ̀ lẹ́yìn tí ètó bá parí."


The visa refusal was later rescinded by the UK Home Office. Olofinlua went to the conference and has since returned to Nigeria.


Ilé-iṣẹ́ UK Nílé pe àìfúni ní ìwé ìrìnnà náà padà. Ọlọ́finlúà lọ, ó bọ̀ padà sí Nàìjíríà, kò b'ọmọ jẹ́.


Others have not been as lucky. In April 2019, the UK visa authorities prevented 24 out of 25 African scientists working on infectious diseases from joining their colleagues at various events taking place as part of the London School of Economics Africa Summit.


Àwọn mìíràn kò rí àǹfààní báyìí. Nínúu oṣùu Igbe ọdún-un 2019, àwọn aláṣẹ ìwé ìrìnnà UK kò jẹ́ kí ọmọ adúláwọ̀ 24 nínúu àwọn onímọ̀ ìjìnlẹ̀ 25 tí ó ń ṣiṣẹ́ lóríi àrùn àkóràn ó darapọ̀ mọ́ àwọn akẹgbẹ́ẹ wọn níbi àpérò London School of Economics Africa Summit.


"The people most invested in and best-positioned to tackle the problem of diseases on their continent, were barred from participating in an event about ""the challenge of pandemic preparedness."""


"Àwọn onímọ̀ tí wọ́n lakakì tí wọ́n sì ní ìmọ̀ pípé láti kojúu àrùn tí ó ń bá ilẹ̀ adúláwọ̀ fínra, kò rí ìwé ìrìnnà tí yóò mú wọn kópa nínúu àpérò nípa ""ìpèníjà ìpọnmisílẹ̀-de-oǹgbẹ àjàkálẹ̀ àrùn"" gbà."


"""You won't come back!"""


"""O kò ní padà!"""


Barring Africans from entry into certain countries is not only humiliating - it also highlights the institutional racism that underpins the notion that African professionals and creatives cannot be trusted to obey the law.


Kékeré nìkan kọ́ ni ìdójútì tí àìfàyègba Ọmọ-adúláwọ̀ láti wọ àwọn illú kan ń mú dání - bẹ́ẹ̀ náà ni ó ń tọ́ka sí ìgbékalẹ̀ ẹlẹ́yàmẹyà tí ó ń ṣe àtillẹ́yìn fún ìgbàgbọ́ wípé àwọn akọ́ṣẹ́mọṣẹ Ọmọ-adúláwọ̀ àti alátinúdá ò ṣe é fi ọkàn tàn lọ títí ni ti ìbọ̀wọ̀ fún òfín dé.


"Article 13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights declares that ""Everyone has the right to leave any country, including his own, and to return to his country."""


"Abala 13 ti Ìkéde Káríayé Fún È̩Tó̩ O̩mo̩nìyàn wípé ""E̩nì kọ̀ọ̀kan ló ní ẹ̀tọ́ láti kúrò lórìlẹ̀‐èdè yòówù kó jẹ́, tó fi mọ́ orílẹ̀‐èdè tirẹ̀, kí ó sì tún padà sí orílẹ̀‐èdè tirẹ̀ nígbà tó bá wù ú."""


The reality, however, is that without a passport and valid visa, this right cannot easily be exercised.


Òtítọ́ ibẹ̀, síbẹ̀síbẹ̀, bí kò bá sí ìwé-àṣẹ-ọmọìlú-fún-ìrìnnà àti ìwé ìrìnnà tí ó wúlò, kò rọrùn láti lò.


And the ease of getting a visa varies according to nationality.


Ìrọ̀rùn ni ìbéèrè fún ìwé ìrìnnà ní àwọn orílẹ̀-èdè kan, kò sì rí bẹ́ẹ̀ ní orílẹ̀-èdè mìíràn.


On the 2019 Henley Passport Index, Japan and Singapore hold the top spot for access to most countries, while Angola, Egypt and Haiti are at the bottom.


Ní oríi 2019 Henley Passport Index, Japan àti Singapore ni orílẹ̀-èdè tí ó rọrùn fún jù lọ láti ríwèé gbà wọ̀lú oríṣìíríṣi, nígbàtí Angola, Egypt àti Haiti wà ní ìsàlẹ̀.


"Read more: ""No Visa Mix': Tanzanian singeli stars denied visas to US music festival"


"Kà síwájú sí i: ""Kò Sí Àpòpọ̀ Ìwé Ìrìnnà': Àwọn ìràwọ̀ olórin orílẹ̀-èdè Tanzania ò rí ìwé ìrìnnà wọ àjọ̀dún orin ní US"


"Kenyan author Ciku Kimeria describes the indignity of living without ""passport privilege."""


"Òǹkọ̀wée ọmọbíbíi Kenya Ciku Kimeria ṣe àlàyé gbígbé láìsí iyì ""ẹ̀tọ́ sí ìwé-ẹ̀rí-ọmọìlú-fún-ìrìnnà."""


"She notes that even a visa does not guarantee entry because ""you still have to deal with the surly immigration official who will suspiciously ask, ""And what are you here to do?"""""


"Obìnrin náà sọ wípé ìwé ìrìnnà nìkan kò gbé ènìyàn wọ orílẹ̀-èdè mìíràn nítorí pé ""o ní láti dáhùn àwọn ìbéèrè bíi, ""Kí ló wa síbí wá ṣe?"""


If the answer to this question isn't to the official's satisfaction, visitors could find themselves being marched back to the departure gate.


tí àwọn òṣìṣẹ́ ibodè yóò béèrè, bí èsì ìbéèrè kò bá tẹ́ wọn lọ́rùn, arìnrìn-àjó lè bá ara rẹ̀ ní ẹnu ìloro àlọ.


For Africans traveling outside the continent, applying for a visa can feel like offering sacrifices to a ravenous god.


Fún àwọn Ọmọ-adúláwọ̀ tí ó fẹ́ ṣe ìrìnàjò jáde lọ sí orílẹ̀-èdè tí kìí ṣe ti adúláwọ̀, ìbéèrè fún ìwé ìrìnnà ìwọ̀lú máa ń dà bíi ṣíṣe ẹbọ fún òòṣà tí ebi ń pa.


Adéṣínà Ayẹni (Ọmọ Yoòbá), Global Voices Yoruba translation manager, recounts his recent experience trying to procure a visa to Lisbon, Portugal, for the 2019 Creative Commons Summit:


Adéṣínà Ayẹni (Ọmọ Yoòbá), alákòóso Ohùn Àgbáyé ní èdèe Yorùbá, sọ ìríríi rẹ̀ nígbà tí ó ṣe ìbéèrè fún ìwé ìrìnnà ìwọ̀lúu Lisbon, Portugal, fún àpéròo àwọn alátinúdá 2019 Creative Commons Summit:


It was the greatest news of my life when I received a mail to deliver a keynote address at the 2019 CC Summit in Lisbon...


Ìdùnnù ǹlá gba ọkàn-an mi nígbà tí mo gba ìròyìn tẹl mí lọ́wọ́ wípé n ó máa sọ̀rọ̀ àkórí ètò níbi Àpérò CC ọdún-un 2019 ní Lisbon. . . .


On April 18, 2019, some days to my birthday, I submitted my visa application to attend the Lisbon summit at the VFS Global office in Lekki, Lagos.


Lọ́jọ́ 18 oṣù Igbe, 2019, ọjọ́ díẹ̀ sí àyájọ́ ọjọ́ ìbíì mi, mo kó àwọn ohun tí wọn béèrè fún ìwé ìrìnnà láti wọ̀lúu Lisbon ki n ba kópa nínúu àpérò náà sílẹ̀ ní ilé-iṣẹ́ẹ VFS Global ní ìdádò Lekki, ní Èkó.


The summit was slated for May 9-11, 2019, but visa processing takes a minimum 15 days.


Ọjọ́ 9 sí 11 ọdún-un 2019 ni àpérò náà ṣùgbọ́n ọjọ́ márùnúndínlógún ni yó gbà fún ìwé ìrìnnà láti jáde fún gbígbà.


On the day I was to depart for Portugal, I still [hadn't] received my passport...


Lọ́jọ́ tí ó yẹ kí n kúrò nílé fún Portugal, n kòì tí ì rí ìwé-ẹ̀rí-ọmọìlú-fún-ìrìnnà mi gbà padà...


11 days after the summit elapsed, I received a text from the VFS for collection of my passport.


ọjọ́ mọ́kànlá lẹ́yìn tí àpérò ti di àfìsẹ́yìn ti eégún aláré ń fiṣọ, mo gba iṣẹ́-ìjẹ́ kí n wá gba ìwé-ẹ̀rí-ọmọìlú-fún-ìrìnnà mi ní VFS.


The elders say, you cannot be at your best when sad.


"Awọn àgbá bọ̀, inú dídùn l""ó ń mú orí yá."


It is one thing that I was not given a visa to attend the summit, another is that the huge scholarship grant to attend the summit went down the drain, wasted.


Ìṣòro kan ni ti àìrí ìwé ìrìnnà gbà, òmíràn ni ti owó ìrìnàjò ọ̀fẹ́ gọbọi tí ó wọlẹ̀ nítori n kò le è lọ si àpérò.


I am miserable because I have not been able to refund the scholarship due to the Central Bank of Nigeria's policy on wire transfers.


Ìbànújẹ́ gba ọkàn mi poo látàríi àlàálẹ̀ Ilé-Ìfowópamọ́ Àgbà orílẹ̀-èdè Nàìjíríà tí kò mú ìfowó ránṣẹ́ sí òkè òkun rọrùn; n kò le è dá owó ìrìnàjò ọ̀fẹ́ tí ó pọn dandan láti dá padà padà fún àwọn tí ó ni owó.


It is excruciatingly painful that my right to associate as a free citizen of the global village was violated.


Ó dùn mí wọ akínyẹmí ara wípé wọ́n gbẹ́sẹ̀ lé ẹ̀tọ́ọ mi gẹ́gẹ́ bí olómìnira láti darapọ̀ mọ́ àwọn akẹgbẹ́ẹ̀ mi.


I was stripped of my voice!


Wọ́n pa ohùn mọ́ mi lẹ́nu!


For Africans traveling within Africa: A painful irony


Ìṣòro: Fún àwọn Ọmọ-adúláwọ̀ tí ó ń ṣe ìrìnàjò nínúu Ilẹ̀-adúláwọ̀


It's difficult for Africans to travel outside Africa - but it can be equally grim to travel within the continent.


Ó ṣòro fún ọmọ-adúláwọ̀ láti ṣe ìrìnàjò jáde kúrò ní Ilẹ̀-adúláwọ̀ - ṣùgbọ́n bẹ́ẹ̀ náà ni ó nira láti ṣe ìrìnàjò nílẹ̀ náà.


Citizens of many countries in the global North can travel to most Africa countries visa-free, or with few restrictions, but the majority of Africans need visas to travel to over half of the other African countries.


Àwọn ọmọ onílùú àìmọye orílẹ̀-èdè tí ó wà ní Àríwá àgbáńlá ayé lè ṣe ìrìnàjò lọ sí ọ̀pọ̀ orílẹ̀-èdè ní ilẹ̀-adúláwọ̀ láì ní ìwé ìrìnnà, tàbí pẹ̀lú hìhámọ́ tí ò tó nǹkan, àmọ́ ọ̀pọ̀lọpọ̀ Ọmọ-adúláwọ̀ ni ó nílòo ìwé ìrìnnà ìwọ̀lú láti ṣe ìrìnàjò sí ìdajì àwọn orílẹ̀-èdè tí ó kù.


"Nigerian Global Voices contributor Rosemary Ajayi captures the ""struggle of Africans traveling within Africa"":"


"Aládàásí Ohùn Àgbáyé ọmọbíbí orílẹ̀-èdè Nàìjíríà Rosemary Àjàyí ṣe àpèjúwe ""ìlàkàkà àwọn ọmọ-adúláwọ̀ tí ó ń ṣe ìrìnàjò ní àárín ilẹ̀-adúláwọ̀ "":"


I am happy that we, and many others, are highlighting the challenges Africans face getting Western visas.


Inúu mi dùn nítorí wípé à ń gbé ọ̀ràn ohun tí ojú àwọn ọmọ-adúláwọ̀ máa ń rí ní wọ́n bá béèrè fún ìwé ìrìnnà wọ Orílẹ̀-èdè òyìnbó àti ohun ti ó tan mọ́ ọn yè wò.


This doesn't annoy me as much as the struggles of Africans travelling within Africa.


Èyí kò gbé mi lọ́kàn bíi ti ìlàkàkà àwọn ọmọ-adúláwọ̀ tí ó ń ṣe ìrìnàjò nínúu ilẹ̀-adúláwọ̀.


At RightsCon in Tunis, and GlobalFact in Cape Town, I took the time to ask Africans if they had needed visas.


Ní RightsCon tí ó wáyé ní Tunis, àti GlobalFact tí ó wáyé ní Cape Town, mo bi àwọn Ọmọ-adúláwọ̀ bóyá wọ́n ti nílòo ìwé ìrìnnà.


Just this weekend, I learnt of a Nigerian journalist who was unable to attend GlobalFact because he didn't have a visa.


Ní ọjọ́ ìsinmi tí a wà yìí, mo gbọ́ wípé oníṣẹ́-ìròyìn ọmọ Nàìjíríà kan kò le è wà níbí GlobalFact nítorí wípé kò ní ìwé ìrìnnà.


Let's not talk about how most of the African delegates at RightsCon had to fly out of Africa first, in order to get to Tunis.


Kí a máà sọ ti àwọn ọmọ-adúláwọ̀ tí ó fò kúrò nílẹ̀-adúláwọ̀ kí wọn ó tó lè wọ Tunis.


Last month, I met an East African journalist applying for a visa to Nigeria. He was asked to supply the driver's license of the professional driver picking him up from the airport!


Ní oṣù ti ó kojá, mo ṣe alábàápàdé oníṣẹ́-ìròyìn tí ó wá láti Ìlà-oòrùn Ilẹ̀-adúláwọ̀ tí ó ń ṣe ìbéèrè fún ìwé ìrìnnà wọ Nàìjíríà. Wọ́n ní kí ó pèsèe ìwé-ẹ̀rí ìwákọ̀ọ ti akọ́ṣẹ́mọṣẹ́ awakọ̀ tí yóò wá gbé e bí ó bá balẹ̀ ní pápá-ọkọ̀-òfuurufú!


As Rosemary points out, intra-continental travel is often further complicated by having to travel out of the continent in order to reach a destination within Africa.


Bí Rosemary ti sọ, ìrìnàjò nínúu ilẹ̀-adúláwọ̀ máa ń gba ṣíṣèrìnàjò kúrò ní ilẹ̀-adúláwọ̀ kí aṣèrìnàjò ó tó le è dé ibi tí ó ń lọ ní àárín Ilẹ̀-adúláwọ̀.


"At the International Air Transport Association (IATA) regional aviation forum in Accra in June, Ghana's Vice President, Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia lamented the fact that ""a business person from Freetown [Sierra Leone], for example, should travel for nearly two days to go to Banjul (often through a third country) for a journey which a straight-line flight would have taken only one hour."""


"Ní ibi àpérò òṣìṣẹ́ ọkọ̀-òfuurufú agbègbè tí Àjọ Ìgbókègbódò Ọkọ̀-òfuurufú Àgbáyé (IATA) gbé kalẹ̀ tí ó wáyé ní Accra nínúu oṣù Òkúdù, Igbákejì Ààrẹ Orílẹ̀-èdèe Ghana, Oníṣègùn Mahamudu Bawumia pohùnréré-ẹkún látàríi wípé ""ó yẹ oníṣòwò láti Freetown [Sierra Leone], fún àpẹẹrẹ, láti ṣe ìrìnàjò fún ọjọ́ méjì gbáko láti lọ sí Banjul (nípasẹ̀ẹ orílẹ̀-èdè kẹ́ta) fún ìrìnàjò tí kò ju wákàtí kan lọ."""


The convoluted flight routes are then compounded by the extraordinarily high cost of air travel within the continent.


Ìpòyì lórí òfuurufú náà gbọ́mọ pọn pẹ̀lú owó kanangú fífò lókè láàárín Ilẹ̀-adúláwọ̀.


Is it true that Africans are unlikely to return home?


Ǹjẹ́ òtítọ́ ni wípé ó ṣeéṣe kí Ọmọ-adúláwọ̀ ó máà padà wálé?


A rescue operation off the Canary Islands in 2006.


Iṣẹ́ ìdóòlà-ẹ̀mí ní oríi omi Erékùsù Canary ní 2006.


Photo by Noborder Network. (CC BY 2.0)


Àwòrán láti ọwọ́ọ Noborder Network. (CC BY 2.0)


Between 2010-2017, migrants from sub-Saharan African countries accounted for the largest migrant population in the world after Syria.


Ni àárín-n ọdún-un 2010-2017, àwọn aṣípòkiri láti àwọn orílẹ̀-èdè tí ó wà lábẹ́ Ìlú Gúúsù Aṣálẹ̀ Sahara ni ó ṣepò tí ó tẹ̀lé Syria gẹ́gẹ́ bí ìlú tí ó ní ènìyàn tó pọ̀ jù nínú àwọn aṣípòkiri lágbàáyé.


Many Africans leave the countries fleeing poverty or violent conflict, to seek asylum, refugee status or permanent residence in North America or Europe.


Ọ̀pọ̀lọpọ̀ Ọmọ-adúláwọ̀ ń sá kúrò nílùú nítorí ebi àti rògbòdìyàn, láti wábi forípamọ́síeek, didi ogúnlémidébí tàbí didi agbélùú ní Àréwá Amẹ́ríkà tàbí ní Éróòpù.


"A 2018 Pew Research study reports that the number of migrants from sub-Saharan Africa ""grew by 50% or more between 2010 and 2017, significantly more than the 17% worldwide average increase for the same period."""


"Àbájáde Ìwádìí Pew ọdún-un 2018 sọ wípé iye àwọn aṣípòkiri láti Ìlú Gúúsù Aṣálẹ̀ Sahara ""ti fi ìdá 50 lọ sókè tàbí jù bẹ́ẹ̀ lọ ní àárín-in ọdún-un 2010 àti 2017, ju gbogbo rẹ̀ lọ wọn ju ìdá 17 lọ káríayé ní àsìkò kan náà."""


Sub-Saharan Africans are also emigrating to countries far and wide.


Awọn ọmọ-adúláwọ̀ tí ó wá láti Ìlú Gúúsù Aṣálẹ̀ Sahara náà ń ṣí kiri orílẹ̀-èdè jákèjádò àgbáyé.


In 2014, over 170,000 migrants without legal documents ferried across the Mediterranean Sea to Italy.


Ní ọdún-un 2014, ó tó aṣíkiri 170,000 tí ò ní ìwé-àṣẹ lábẹ́ òfin ni ó ń wọ ọkọ̀ gba orí òkun Mediterranean lọ sí orílẹ̀-èdè Italy.


Many hailed from sub-Saharan Africa.


Ọ̀gọ̀rọ̀ ló wá láti àwọn Ìlú Gúúsù Aṣálẹ̀ Sahara.


"In December 2018, Brazilian police rescued 25 sub-Saharan African nationals who had ""been at sea for over a month"" in the Atlantic Ocean."


"Ní oṣù Ọ̀pẹ ọdún-un 2018, Ọlọ́pàá Brazil dóòlà ẹ̀mí èèyàn 25 ọmọ-adúláwọ̀ tí ó wá láti Ìlú Gúúsù Aṣálẹ̀ Sahara ""tí ó ti wà lọ́rí omi òkun Atlantic fún oṣù kan gbáko."""


"The travelers had paid ""hundreds of dollars apiece"" for the trip from Cape Verde. In June 2019, US Customs and Border Protection in Del Rio, Texas, USA, arrested more than 500 Africans from Republic of the Congo, Democratic Republic of Congo, and Angola, for trying to cross into the USA via the Rio Grande River."


"Àwọn arìnrìnàjòó san ""ẹgbẹlẹmùkù owó lọ́wọ́ ẹnìkọ̀ọ̀kan"" fún ìrìnàjò láti Cape Verde. Ní oṣù Òkúdù ọdún-un 2019, US Customs Àjọ Aṣọ́bodè àti Ààbò Ibodè US ní Del Rio, Texas, USA, fi ọwọ́ọ ṣìkún òfin mú àwọn ọmọ-adúláwọ̀ 500 tí ó wà láti Ilẹ̀-olómìnira Congo, Democratic Republic of Congo, àti Angola, tí wọn ń fẹ́ gba omi Odò Rio Grande wọ USA."


While dominant narratives in the media perpetuate Africa as a continent of mass migration driven by poverty or violent conflict, however, Marie-Laurence Flahaux and Hein De Haas, scholars from University of Oxford and University of Amsterdam, respectively, take issue with this stereotype.


Onírúurú ìròyìn ni ó ti rò ó wípé Ilẹ̀-adúláwọ̀ ni àárín-ín gbùngùn òtòṣì àti ogun, síbẹ̀síbẹ̀, Marie-Laurence Flahaux àti Hein De Haas, àwọn onímọ̀ láti Ifásitì ti Oxford àti Ifásitì ti Amsterdam, ní ṣísẹ̀ntèlé, kò gbà pé bẹ́ẹ̀ ní ó rí.


"Flahaux and De Haas argue that these narratives are propagated not only by ""media and politicians"" but also by scholars."


"Flahaux àti De Haas jiyàn wípé kò rí bí ìròyín ti ṣe rò ó sí etígbọ̀ọ́ ọmọ aráyé pàápàá ""àwọn ilé iṣẹ́ àti olóṣòlú"" àti àwọn ọlọ́gbọ́n náà."


"Their research shows that migration from the continent is multi-layered and driven by global ""processes of development and social transformation"" that have increased the ""capabilities and aspirations"" of Africans"" to migrate - similar to migrants from other parts of the world."


"Iṣẹ́ ìwádìí fi yé wípé àwọn ìṣípòkiri láti Ilẹ̀-adúláwọ̀ kò déédéé wáyé, ohun tí ó fà á ni ""ìlànà ìdàgbàsókè àti ìyípadà àwùjọ"" èyí tí ó ń mú ṣíṣíkiri lọ sí àwọn agbègbè àgbáyé wu Ọmọ-adúláwọ̀ - tí kò yàtọ̀ sí aṣípòkiri láti ibòmìíràn lágbàáyé."


These stereotypical narratives, however, often inform visa policy:


Àwọn ìròyìn abanilórúkọjẹ́ wọ̀nyí, ni ó ń fa sábàbí ìlànà-iṣẹ́ ìwé ìrìnnà:


"Most countries"" authorities assume that all Africans who travel will not return to their home countries, leaving African visa applicants to bear the burden of proof."


Ọ̀pọ̀lọpọ̀ orílẹ̀-èdè ni ó nígbàgbọ́ wípé gbogbo arìnrìnàjò tí ó bá jẹ́ Ọmọ-adúláwọ̀ ni kò ní padà sí orílẹ̀-èdèe rẹ̀, àfi bí arìnrìnàjó bá ní ẹ̀rí tí ó yanrantí tó ni ó lè rí ìwé ìrìnnà ìwọ̀lú gbà.


Getting non-African nations to take a more nuanced approach to visa approvals for African nationals is a long battle.


Kò rọrùn láti ṣí ojú àwọn tí kì í ṣe ọmọ-adúláwọ̀ lójú nípa orúkọ búburú tí wọn ti sọ orílẹ̀-èdè tí ó wá láti Ilẹ̀-adúláwọ̀.


Meanwhile, African nations can take action to improve mobility across the continent.


Níbàyìí, àwọn orílẹ̀-èdè Ilẹ̀-adúláwọ̀ níṣẹ́ láti ṣe sí ètò lílọ-àti-bíbọ̀ àwọn ọmọadúláwọ̀. Ìwé-ẹ̀rí-ọmọìlú-fún-ìrìnnà kan ṣoṣo fún gbogbo orílẹ̀-èdè ní Ilẹ̀-adúláwọ̀ jẹ́ ọ̀nà àbáyọ - àmọ́ kò tó.


A common African passport is one step - but it's not enough. The Single African Air Transport market (SAATM), and the Continental Free Trade Agreement, both launched last year, have laid the foundation for some of these shifts, but widespread implementation is still a long way off.


Single African Air Transport market náà (SAATM), àti Continental Free Trade Agreement náà, tí a fi lọ́lẹ̀ lọ́dún tí ó kọjá, ti se àlàálẹ̀ ìgbésẹ̀ wọ̀nyí, ṣùgbọ́n ìmúṣẹ ṣì kù díẹ̀ káàtó.


Meanwhile, as an African, to dare to travel is to be subjected to cruel humiliations when travelling outside Africa - or to be jolted out of the fantasy of African unity by the harshness of travelling within the continent.


Lásìkò yìí, gẹ́gẹ́ bíi Ọmọ-adúláwọ̀, ìyànjú láti rìnrìnàjò ni láti ní ìrírí ìrẹnisílẹ̀ tí àwọn tí ó ń se ìrìnàjò lọ sí òkè-òkun ń rí - tàbí jẹ́ títají nínú àlà ìsọ̀kan Ilẹ̀-adúláwọ̀ tí kò sí.


Either way the visa gods demand more sacrifices, while remaining adamantly intransigent.


Èyí kéyìí tí ò báà jẹ́, òòsà ìwé ìrìnnà ń béèrè ẹbọ sí i, tí kọ̀ sì yé é gbẹbọ.


Ẹ̀rọ Alátagbà ni a fi gbé àwọn ìròyìn irọ́ àti ọ̀rọ̀ ẹlẹ́yàmẹyà jáde lásìkò ìdìbò orílẹ̀-èdèe Nàìjíríà


Ethnic driven falsehoods spiked on social media during the elections


Irọ́ tí ó ti ara ẹlẹ́yàmẹyà sú yọ lórí ẹ̀rọ alátagbà lásìkò ìbò


Voting in progress at presidential election March 28, 2015, in Abuja, Nigeria. Photo by US Embassy / Idika Onyukwu [Image Attribution: Non-Commercial 2.0 Generic (CC BY-NC 2.0) ]


Ìbò ààrẹ ti ọjọ́ 28, oṣù kẹta ọdún-un 2015 bí ó ṣe ń lọ lọ́wọ́ ní Abuja, Nàìjíríà. Àwòrán láti Iléeṣẹ́ Aṣojúu Ètò Ìrìnàjò sí orílẹ̀-èdèe US ní Nàìjíríà/ Idika Onyukwu [Ìgbóríyín fún òǹlàwòrán: Àìsí-fọ̀rọ̀-ajé 2.0 Àìlámì (CC BY-NC 2.0) ]


This story is the first in a two-part series on online ethnic hate speech, disinformation and propaganda during the 2019 Nigeria elections.


Èyí ni àkọ́kọ́ nínú ìròyìn oníṣísẹ̀ntẹ̀lé ẹlẹ́ka-méjì tí ó dá fìrìgbagbòó lóríi ọ̀rọ̀ ìkórìíra ẹni, ìròyìn ẹlẹ́jẹ̀ àti irọ́ lórí ayélujára ní Nàìjíríà lásìkò ìbò ọdún-un 2019.


You can read the second part here.


O leè ká apá kejì ìròyìn náà níbí.


Nigeria went to the polls to elect a new president and a national parliament on February 23, 2019.


Ọjọ́ 23, oṣù kejì ọdún-un 2019 ni àwọn ọmọ orílẹ̀-èdèe Nàìjíríà gba ẹ̀ka ìdìbò lọ láti dìbò yan ààrẹ àti ọmọ ìgbìmọ̀ tuntun sípò.


"With two main contenders vying for the presidency, incumbent President Muhammadu Buhari obtained 15 million votes and triumphed over his closest rival, Atiku Abubakar, by a ""margin of 56 percent to 41 percent."""


"Àwọn méjì gbòógì òǹdíjedupò sí ipò ààrẹ, Ààrẹ tí ó wà lórí àléfà kó ìbò ẹgbẹẹgbẹ̀rún 15 tí ó mú u borí olórogún-un rẹ̀ pẹ́kípẹ́kí, Atiku Abubakar, pẹ̀lú ""àlàfo idà 56 sí ìdá 41."""


Buhari was sworn-in for a second term of four years on May 29, 2019.


A ṣe ìbúra fún Buhari fún sáà kejì ọlọ́dún mẹ́rin lọ́jọ́ 29, oṣù karùn-ún, 2019.


Read more: #NigeriaDecides2019: Everything you need to know for this year's general elections


Kà sí i: #NigeriaDecides2019: Ohun gbogbo tí ó yẹ kí o mọ̀ nípa ìdìbò gbogboògbò ti ọdún nìí


However, the election campaign was fought on different fronts, including social media.


Síbẹ̀, ohun gbogbo tí ó gbà ni wọ́n fi ṣe ìpolongo ìbò náà, láì yọ bíbẹ ẹ̀rọ alátagbà lọ́wẹ̀ sílẹ̀.


There was widespread dissemination of ethnic hate speech at the service of disinformation and propaganda online, particularly on Twitter.


Ọ̀rọ̀ ìkórìíra tẹ̀gbintẹ̀gbin tòun ìwà ẹlẹ́yàmẹyà àti ìròyìn irọ́ ràn bíi pápá inú ọyẹ́ ní orí ẹ̀rọ ayélujára, pabambarì lóríi gbàgede Twitter.


Ethnic hate in Nigeria


Ìkórìíra Ẹ̀yà ní Nàìjíríà


Nigeria's multi-ethnicity - over 250 ethnic groups and 500 languages - has at times been a source of conflict instead of strength.


Ẹ̀yà onírúurú - tí ó tó bíi 250 àti èdè 500 - ti fi ìgbà kan jẹ́ orísun àìbalẹ̀ọkàn dípòo ìfọ̀kànbalẹ̀.


This becomes particularly obvious during elections when politicians use these divisions to campaign for votes.


Èyí fi ojú hàn lásìkò ìbò nígbàtí àwọn olóṣèlú lo ẹlẹ́yàmẹ́lẹ́yá fi polongo ìbò.


Naturally, online conversations in Nigeria have not been devoid of ethnic-induced hate.


Láti ilẹ̀, ìtàkùrọ̀sọ lórí ayélujára ní Nàìjíríà kò lọ láì sí ìkórìíra.


Read more: Nigeria: Curbing the tide of ethnic hate - online and off


Kà sí i: Nàìjíríà: Gbígbógun ti àpọ̀jù ìkórìíra ẹ̀yà tẹ̀gbintẹ̀gbin - lójúkorojú àti lórí ayélujára


During the 2015 elections, for instance, Twitter Nigeria descended into a bitter and binary sparring match between supporters of the then-two major contestants, Goodluck Jonathan (PDP, an Ijaw Christian) and Muhammadu Buhari (APC, a Hausa, Fulani Muslim).


Lásìkò ìbò ọdún-un 2015, fún àpẹẹrẹ, gbàgede Twitter ní orílẹ̀-èdèe Nàìjíríà di ibi ìkorò àti ibi ìdíje ìjuwọ́ láàárín àwọn alátìlẹ́yìn àwọn òǹdíje méjì ìgbà náà, Goodluck Jonathan (PDP, ọmọ lẹ́yìn Krístì tó jẹ́ ọmọ Ijaw) àti Muhammadu Buhari (APC, Ìmàle, Hausa, Fulani).


Twitter became a tool for propagating ethnic hate and party politics.


Twitter di irinṣẹ́ fún ìgbéròyìn ìkórìíra ẹ̀yà tẹ̀gbintẹ̀gbin jáde àti ohun èlò fún ẹgbẹ́ olóṣèlú.


Some thought 2019 would be different because Buhari from the All Progressive Congress (APC) and Abubakar from the People's Democratic Party (PDP) are both Hausa, Fulani Muslims, but that was not the case.


Àwọn kan lérò wípé ọdún-un 2019 yóò yàtọ̀ nítorí pé Buhari ti ẹgbẹ́ẹ Àjọ Ìtẹ̀síwájú Gbogboògbò (APC) àti Abubakar láti Ẹgbẹ́ olóṣèlú Ìjọba-tiwantiwa Àwọn Ènìyàn (PDP) tí àwọn méjèèjì sì jẹ́ Hausa, Fulani Ìmàle, àmọ́ bẹ́ẹ̀ kọ́ ló rí.


Their vice-presidential candidates - Yemi Osibanjo (APC), a Yoruba, and Peter Obi (PDP), an Igbo, are both Christians - but from different ethnic groups.


Àwọn amúgbálẹ́gbẹ̀ẹ́ wọn - Yẹmí Ọṣìńbàjò (APC), ọmọ Yoruba, àti Peter Obi (PDP), ọmọ Igbo, jẹ́ Ọmọ-lẹ́yìn-in-krístì - àmọ́ láti ẹ̀yà ọ̀tọ̀ọ̀tọ̀.


It seemed like a repeat of 2015 but now with different protagonists.


Ó fẹ́ jọ àtúnwáyé ìṣẹ̀lẹ̀ 2015 ṣùgbọ́n pẹ̀lú atakànàngbọ̀n mìíràn.


The political atmosphere became ethnically-charged in 2017, two years before the elections, creating the conditions for an atmosphere of distrust.


Ohun gbogbo nípa ìṣèlú Nàìjíríà wọṣọ ẹlẹ́yàmẹ́lẹ́yá ní 2017, ọdún méjì kí ìbò ó tó bẹ̀rẹ̀, tí ó sì fa àìgbàgbọ́ nínú ètò ìṣèlú.


The Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), a secessionist organization in the southeastern part of the country led by Nnamdi Kanu, also added to the heightened ethnic tensions brewing.


Ẹgbẹ́ ajìjàngbara ọmọ ìbílẹ̀ Biafra Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), tí ó jẹ́ àgbáríjọpọ̀ àwọn ọmọ ìbílẹ̀ ìlà-oòrùn orílẹ̀-èdèe Nàìjíríà tí Nnamdi Kanu jẹ́ olórí, dá kún rògbòdìyàn tí ó ń rọ́ tìtì.


Read more: As ethnic hate speech rises, Nigerian writers push back


Kà sí i: Bí ọ̀rọ̀ ìkórìíra tẹ̀gbintẹ̀gbin ṣe ń peléke sí i, àwọn òǹkọ̀wée Nàìjíríà náà múṣẹ́ ṣe


Desertification in predominantly-Muslim northern Nigeria led to a southward migration of Nigeria's cattle herders that ignited violent conflicts with farmers.


Ìdi-aṣálẹ̀-ilẹ̀ ní àríwá Nàìjíríà ló mú kí àwọn ọlọ́sìn-ẹran tí ó jẹ́ darandaran tí ó ń bá àwọn àgbẹ̀ jà ó wà sí apá gúúsù.


"The southern Christian communities"" resentment of the influx of Muslim Fulani herders was portrayed in some narratives as an 'Islamisation' force."


"Àwọn Ọmọ-lẹ́yìn-in-krístì kan ""rí gbígba àwọn Fulani darandaran tí ó jẹ́ Ìmàle tọwọ́tẹsẹ̀ wọlé sí apáa gúúsù gẹ́gẹ́ bíi ìgbésẹ̀ láti 'Sọnidìmàlè' ní tipátipá."


"The failure of the Nigerian government to investigate these clashes and ""bring perpetrators to justice"" resulted in the death of about 4,000 people from 2015 to late 2018, according to Amnesty International."


"Ìkọ̀jálẹ́ ìjọba Nàìjíríà láti ṣe ìwádìí sí àwọn ìkọlù tí ó ń wáyé àti ""fífimú àwọn tí ó ṣẹ̀ sófin dánrin,"" tí ìkọlù náà sì fa ikú àwọn ènìyàn tí ó tó bíi ẹgbẹ̀rún 4 láti ọdún-un 2015 sí 2018, gẹ́gẹ́ bí iléeṣẹ́ Amnesty International ti ṣe ní i lákọsílẹ̀."


Hence, ethnocentrism was already at an all-time high before the presidential elections in 2019.


Láti ìhín lọ, ẹlẹ́yàmẹyà ti ń peléke sí i kí ó tó di àsìkò ìbò ààrẹ ọdún-un 2019.


The prevailing distrust was a fertile ground for false information - online and offline - during the elections.


Àìnígbàgbọ́ tí ó wà nílẹ̀ ló fi àyè gba ìgbéjáde ìròyìn irọ́ - lójúkorojú àti lórí ayélujára - lásìkò ìbò.


Elections and the credibility of online information in Nigeria


Ìbò àti ìgbàgbọ́ ọ̀rọ̀ orí ẹ̀rọ ayélujára ní Nàìjíríà


The number of internet users in Nigeria grew from 98.3 million in 2017 to 100.5 million in 2018.


Iye àwọn òǹlò ẹ̀rọ ayélujára ní Nàìjíríà fò fẹ̀rẹ̀ sókè láti ẹgbẹẹgbẹ̀rún 98.3 ní ọdún-un 2017 sí ẹgbẹẹgbẹ̀rún 100.5 ní 2018.


Facebook maintains the lead as the social media platform of choice with 22 million users, followed by YouTube (7 million+), Twitter (6 million) and Instagram (5.7 million).


Facebook ló léwájú gẹ́gẹ́ bí i gbàgede ààyò ọ̀pọ̀ ọmọ orílẹ̀-èdèe Nàìjíríà pẹ̀lú òǹlò ẹgbẹẹgbẹ̀rún 22, tí gbàgede àwòrán-àtohùn YouTube (ẹgbẹẹgbẹ̀rún 7 àti jù bẹ́ẹ̀ lọ) tẹ̀lé e, Twitter (ẹgbẹẹgbẹ̀rún 6) àti Instagram (ẹgbẹẹgbẹ̀rún 5.7).


The majority of Nigerian voters are young. Out of the 84 million registered voters for the 2019 General Elections, over half - 51 percent - are young voters aged between 18 and 35, whereas nearly 30 percent are between 36 and 50 years old.


Ọ̀dọ́ ni ọ̀pọ̀lọpọ̀ àwọn olùdìbò orílẹ̀-èdèe Nàìjíríà. Lára ẹgbẹẹgbẹ̀rún 84 àwọn olùdìbò tí ó forúkọsílẹ̀ fún Ìbò Àpapọ̀ ọdún-un 2019, tí ìdajì - ìdá 51 - jẹ́ ọ̀dọ́ òǹdìbò tí ọjọ́ oríi wọ́n tó ọdún 18 àti 35, tí ìdá 30 sì jẹ́ ẹni ọdún 36 àti 50.


These two groups of voters, which include both digital natives and digital immigrants, form the majority of Nigerian voters who are digitally savvy.


Àwọn ọjọ́-orí méjèèjì yìí, tí ó ní onímọ̀ nípa ìlò ẹ̀rọ ayárabíàṣá àti àwọn aṣípò sórí ẹ̀rọ ayárabíàṣá, ni ó pọ̀ jù lọ nínú àwọn olùdìbòo Nàìjíríà.


Therefore, it was not surprising that digital media was one of the prominent battlegrounds for election campaigns in 2019.


Torí ìdí èyí, kò yanilẹ́nu wípé ẹ̀rọ ayárabíàṣá jẹ́ gbàgede kan gbòógì fún fífi ìpolongo ìbò ọdún-un 2019 sọta ìjà lura ẹni.


As a result, the credibility of online information during the 2019 elections suffered great attrition.


Látàrí èyí, ó mú u ṣòro láti gbọ́kàn tẹ àwọn ìròyìn orí ayélukára-bí-ajere lásìkò ètò ìdìbò tó wáyé lọ́dún-un 2019.


False and misleading information, promoted as gospel truth, was amplified by supporters of the two major parties in Nigeria: the All Progressive Congress (APC) and the People's Democratic Party (PDP).


Ìròyìn irọ́ tí kò ní gbọ́ngbọ́n nínú ni wọ́n polongo gẹ́gẹ́ ìhìn rere tòótọ́, tí àwọn alátìlẹ́yìn ẹgbẹ́ olóṣèlú méjèèjì tí ó gbajúmọ̀ jù lọ ní orílẹ̀-èdèe Nàìjíríà sì lukoro rẹ̀: Àjọ Ìtẹ̀síwájú Gbogboògbò All Progressive Congress (APC) àti Ẹgbẹ́ olóṣèlú Ìjọba-tiwantiwa Àwọn Ènìyàn People's Democratic Party (PDP).


Based on ethnographic participant observation conducted between October 28, 2018, and May 29, 2019, ethnic hate was employed as a tool for disinformation and propaganda by both sides of the political divide on Twitter Nigeria during the 2019 presidential elections.


Gẹ́gẹ́ bí ìkíyèsí ẹ̀yà tí ó wáyé láàárín ọjọ́ 28 oṣù kẹwàá, 2018, àti ọjọ́ 29, oṣù karùn-ún 2019, ọ̀rọ̀ ìkórìíra ẹ̀yà tẹ̀gbintẹ̀gbin jẹ́ irinṣẹ́ fún ìròyìn tí kò ní gbọ́ngbọ́n ń'nú tí ó kún fún irọ́ láti sàkání ẹgbẹ́ olóṣèlú méjèèjì ní oríi Twitter ti Nàìjíríà lásìkò ìbò ààrẹ 2019.


These observations were captured as screengrabs of tweets or saved URLs collected over this period.


A ká àwọn ìkíyèsí yìí sílẹ̀ láti orí ayélujára ní àsìkò yìí.


In terms of ethnically-charged disinformation, some APC supporters accused Obi of being a bigot for purportedly deporting northerners while he was governor of Anambra State, in southeast Nigeria.


Tí a bá sọ nípa ìròyìn irọ́ nípa ti ẹlẹ́yàmẹyà, àwọn agbárùkù ti ẹgbẹ́ olóṣèlúu APC yọ ẹnu ìwọ̀sí sí Obi lára nítorí pé ó dá àwọn ará òkè Ọya padà nígbà tí ó wà lórí ipò gẹ́gẹ́ bí aláṣẹ Ìpínlẹ̀ Anambra, ní ìlà-oòrùn gúúsù orílẹ̀-èdèe Nàìjíríà.


Tweets went viral that claimed that Yoruba people were burning shops of Igbo traders in Lagos. Both stories were false and will be explored further in Part II of this essay.


Túwíìtì tàn kárí ilé kárí oko tí ó sọ pé àwọn ọmọ Yorùbá ń tiná bọ ìsọ̀ àwọn oníṣòwò tí ó jẹ́ ẹ̀yà Igbo ní Èkó. Irọ́ funfun báláwú ni àwọn ìròyìn wọ̀nyí, a ó gbé e yẹ̀ wò síwájú sí i nínú Apá kejì àròkọ yìí.


Figure 1: Misinformed propaganda tweet by Festus Keyamo


Àwòrán 1: Túwíìtì irọ́ ti Festus Keyamo


Figure 2: The true location of the image that Keyamo shared.


Àwòrán 2: Àṣírí bi tí àwòrán tí Keyamo tari síta wà ní ti òtítọ́.


In another example, a photograph was used to misconstrue facts. On October 28, 2018, Festus Keyamo, then-media director of the Buhari Campaign Organisation, tweeted an image (Figure 1) of a tree growing between an apparently abandoned Nigerian rail track:


Fún àpẹẹrẹ òmíràn, a lo àwòrán kan báyìí lọ́nà tí kò yẹ. Lọ́jọ́ 28, oṣù kẹwàá, ọdún-un, 2018, Festus Keyamo, olùdarí ètò ìkéde àná fún Iléeṣẹ́ Ìpolongo fún Buhari, túwíìtì àwòrán kan (Aworan 1) ti igi kan tí ó ń wù láàárín ojú irin kan tí ó ti di àpatì:


This is how trees grew in-between rail tracks between 1999 and 2015...


Bí igí ṣe ń wù sí àárín ojú irin ní 1999 sí 2015...


"Now, this is the 'Completion Era' as the tracks are beginning to roar back to life."" The PDP government was in power between 1999 and 2015."


"Báyìí, ""Sáà Ìparí iṣẹ́"" rè é, àwọn ojú irin náà ti ń jí padà sáyé."" Ìjọba PDP ló ń tukọ̀ ètò ní 1999 sí 2015."


However, a Nigerian Twitter user later traced back the image to an original Arabic-language tweet (Figure 2) posted earlier that same month.


Lẹ́yìn-ò-rẹyìn, òǹlò Twitter kan tí ó jẹ́ ọmọ orílẹ̀-èdèe Nàìjíríà tọ ipasẹ̀ẹ àwòrán náà sí túwíìtì kan lédèe Lárúbáwá (Àwòrán 2) tí ẹnìkan tari síta nínú oṣù yẹn.


According to the tweet, the photo is from Lebanon.


Túwíìtì náà jẹ́rìí wípé Lebanon ni àwòrán ọ̀hún ti ṣẹ̀ wá.


Keyamo's intention may have been to show that the Buhari government had surpassed previous administrations on the revamping of the morbid rail lines in the country.


Ohun tí Keyamo fẹ́ ṣe ni láti fi hàn wípé ìṣàkóso ìjọba Buhari ti gbé ìgbésẹ̀ àtúnṣe sí àwọn ọ̀nà ọkọ̀ọ ojú irin tí ìjọba àná pa tì.


"However, the use of an image from a different country made the so-called ""gains"" questionable."


"Àmọ́ ṣá, àwòrán orílẹ̀-èdè mìíràn tí ó lò láti fi sọ ""ìtẹ̀síwájú"" náà, fọ́ gbogbo rẹ̀ lójú."


Figure 3: Ethnic hate speech


Àwòrán 3: Ọ̀rọ̀ ìkórìíra ẹ̀yà tẹ̀gbintẹ̀gbin


"Figure 4: El-Rufai later apologized for the ""insensitive"" tweet shown in Figure 3."


"Àwòrán 4: El-Rufai tọrọ àforíjì fún túwíìtì ""tí ó lè dá wàhálà sílẹ̀"" náà tí ó wà ń'nú Àwòrán 3."


Online ethnic hate speech was also pronounced before, during and after the elections.


Ọ̀rọ̀ ìkórìíra ẹ̀yà tẹ̀gbintẹ̀gbin ṣẹ́ yọ kí ọjọ́ ìbò ó tó kò, lásìkò ìbò àti lẹ́yìn ìbò.


In an ethnic slurred tweet (Figure 3) Bashir El-Rufai, son of the Kaduna State Governor, inferred that the Nigerian Civil War was ignited by the Igbo vengeance.


Túwíìtì ẹlẹ́yàmẹyà kan (Àwòrán 3) Bashir El-Rufai, ọmọ Aláṣẹ Ìpínlẹ̀ Kaduna, wí pé ẹ̀yà Igbo ló fi ìbínú tan iná ọ̀tẹ̀ tí ó fa Ogun Abẹ́lée Nàìjíríà.


Between 1967 and 1970, Nigeria fought a bitter civil war with the secessionist state of Biafra inhabited mostly by the Igbo in the southeastern part of the country.


Láàárín 1967 sí 1970, orílẹ̀-èdèe Nàìjíríà ja ogun kíkorò kan pẹ̀lú ìlúu Biafra tí í ṣe àwọn ẹ̀yà Igbo tí ó wà ní apá ìlà-oòrùn gúúsù, tí ó ń gbèrò láti pín yà kúrò lábẹ́ ìṣàkóso ìjọba Nàìjíríà.


"Hence, according to Bashir El-Rufai, the result of the 2019 elections which was won by his party, the APC, should also be taken as a sweet ""revenge"" from the Hausa, Fulani."


"Síbẹ̀, gẹ́gẹ́ bí Bashir El-Rufai ti ṣe sọ, àbájáde ìbò ọdún-un 2019 tí ẹgbẹ́ẹ rẹ̀, APC, gbégbà-orókè. Ó yẹ kí a rí i bíi ""ẹ̀san"" láti apá ọ̀dọ̀ àwọn ẹ̀yà Hausa, Fulani."


"He later apologized, after a backlash, for his previous ""insensitive"" tweet as shown in Figure 4."


"Ó padà wá á tọrọ àforíjì, lẹ́yìn tí a ti bu ẹnu àtẹ́ lù ú, fún túwíìtì ""tí ó lè dá wàhálà sílẹ̀ "" bí a ti rí i nínú Àwòrán."


He also deleted the earlier tweet (Figure 3).


Bákan náà ni ó mú túwíìtì ìsọkúsọ náà wálẹ̀ (Àwòrán 3).


Ethnic-motivated false information on social media during the elections falls into two categories: disinformation and propaganda.


Ìròyìn irọ́ tí ó ti ara ẹlẹ́yàmẹyà wá lórí ẹ̀rọ-alátagbà lásìkò ìbò ṣe é pín sábẹ́ ẹ̀ka méjì: ìròyìn tí kò ní gbọ́ngbọ́n nínú àti ìròyìn irọ́.


"Miroslav Tudjman and Nives Mikelic, communication scholars at the University of Zagreb, Croatia, define disinformation as ""intentionally deputed mistaken information with the purpose to mislead the user."""


"Miroslav Tudjman àti Nives Mikelic, ọ̀mọ̀wé nípa ìtàkùrọ̀sọ ní Ifáfitì ti Zagreb, Croatia, túmọ̀ ìròyìn tí kò ní gbọ́ngbọ́n nínú sí ""ìròyìn àmọ̀ọ́mọ̀ tari síta láti ṣi àwọn ènìyàn lọ́kàn."""


Hence, the intention to pass across inaccurate, distorted and false evidence as true, distinguishes dis-information from misinformation.


Ète títari ìròyìn irọ́ síta bí òtítọ́, ló ya ìròyìn tí ó ń ṣini lọ́kàn àti ìròyìn irọ́ sọ́tọ́.


Tudjman and Mikelic assert that propaganda is much more than disinformation or misinformation.


Tudjman àti Mikelic sọ wípé ọ̀nà ìtànkálẹ̀ ìròyìn fẹ̀jú ju ìròyìn àmọ̀ọ́mọ̀ tari síta láti ṣini lọ́kàn tàbí ìròyìn irọ́ lọ.


"This is because propaganda ""aims to manipulate the attitudes of the user"" through an ""accidental or intentional handling with information in [the] communication process."""


"Ìdí ni pé ọ̀nà ìtànkálẹ̀ ìròyìn ""máa ń yí ìhùwàsí ẹni padà"" nípasẹ̀ ""ìṣẹ̀lẹ̀ àìròtẹ́lẹ̀ kan tàbí ìgbésẹ̀ àmọ̀ọ́mọ̀ dá lásìkò ìtari ìtàkùrọ̀sọ [náà] síta."""


Thus, propaganda weaponizes biased or inaccurate information for political interests and consequently manipulates perception.


Bí irú èyí, ọ̀nà ìtànkálẹ̀ ìròyìn máa ń tẹ̀sí apá kan tàbí àìpé ìròyìn fún àǹfààní ọ̀rọ̀ òṣèlú àti yíyí ìrònú padà níparí.


"Justifiable fears emerged surrounding 2019 elections because online disinformation and propaganda incites electoral violence but also poses ""a threat to reconciliation after the elections."""


"Ìbẹ̀rùbojo ọkàn bẹ́ sílẹ̀ látàrí ìbò ọdún-un 2019 nítorí ìròyìn irọ́ àti ọ̀nà ìtànkálẹ̀ ìròyìn ń ṣe àgbédìde àìbalẹ̀ ọkàn tí ó ti ọ̀rọ̀ ìbò bẹ̀rẹ̀ àmọ́ tí ó ń fa ""ìdẹ́rùbà fún ìparí-ìjà tí ìbòó bá kásẹ̀ ńlẹ̀ ."""


Part II of this essay will examine how this played out online, especially on Twitter, with specific examples.


Apá kejì àròkọ yìí yóò ṣe àgbéyẹ̀wò bí èyí ṣe wáyé lórí ayélujára, pàápàá lóríi gbàgede Twitter, pẹ̀lú àwọn àpẹẹrẹ mélòó kan.


This article is part of a series of posts examining interference with digital rights through methods such as network shutdowns and disinformation during key political events in seven African countries: Algeria, Ethiopia, Mozambique, Nigeria, Tunisia, Uganda, and Zimbabwe.


Àpilẹ̀kọ yìí jẹ́ ara àtẹ̀jádé ìròyìn oníṣísẹ̀ntẹ̀lé tí ó ń ṣe àgbéyẹ̀wò ìṣúsí pẹ̀lú ẹ̀tọ́ ìlò ẹ̀rọ-ayárabíàṣá nípa àwọn ìlànà bíi ìṣánpa ìṣàsopọ̀ ẹ̀rọ ayélukára-bí-ajere àti ìròyìn ẹlẹ́jẹ̀ lásìkò ètò ìṣèlú tí ó pọn dandan ní orílẹ̀-èdè méje ní Ilẹ̀-Adúláwọ̀: Algeria, Ethiopia, Mozambique, Nàìjíríà, Tunisia, Uganda, àti Zimbabwe.


The project is funded by the Africa Digital Rights Fund of The Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA).


Africa Digital Rights Fund àti The Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA) ni agbátẹrù iṣẹ́ àkànṣe yìí.


"From Kenya to Ethiopia, these men received divine dream ""maps"" to carve caves"


"Ní Kenya àti Ethiopia, àwọn ọkùnrin wọ̀nyí ríran ""àwòrán-ìtọ́nà"" àt'ọ̀run wá láti gbẹ́ ihò nísàlẹ̀ ilẹ̀"


Both men say they received explicit instructions from God


Àwọn ọkùnrin méjèèjì sọ wípé Ọlọ́run ló yọ sí àwọn


Dunbar caves in southern Ethiopia were dug by Mohammed Yiso Banatah with his bare hands.


Ihò nísàlẹ̀ ilẹ̀ẹ Dunbar ní gúúsù Ethiopia tí Mohammed Yiso Banatah gbẹ́ jáde pẹ̀lú ọwọ́ọ rẹ̀ láì lo ohunkóhun.


He was instructed by Allah to create underground wedding chapels.


Allah l'ó pa á láṣẹ láti gbẹ́ ilé Ọlọ́run fún ètò ìgbéyàwó sísàlẹ̀ ilẹ̀.


Photo by Amanda Leigh Lichtenstein, used with permission.