Tinu crawled to him and stood in front of him with her shaky, delicate soft tiny legs. The little girl smiled, showing her newly-formed front teeth, like she did to her mother, now instinctely asking her father to see and admire them.


Tinú rá lọ bá a, ó sì dúró síwájú rẹ̀ pẹ̀lú ẹsẹ̀ ẹlẹgẹ́ kékeré rẹ̀ tí ó máa ń gbọ̀n. Ọmọ kékeré náà rẹ́rìn-ín músẹ́, ó ń sàfihàn eyín rẹ̀ tuntun tó sẹ̀ẹ̀hù bí ó ṣe ṣe sí ìyá rẹ̀, ó ń fi ọgbọ́n inú sọ fún bàbá rẹ̀ pé kí ó rí i kí ó sì jọ̀ ọ́ lójú.


Pa pa pa... Papa... Papapa...' Tinu babbled, She could now stand up straight on her two tiny legs without support. She was probably expecting daddy to congratulate her, before she would proceed to delivering a message - that message!


Bà bà bà ...bàbá...bababa...', Tinú ń sọ̀rọ̀ wẹ́wẹ́, Ó ti wá lè dá dúró lórí ẹsẹ̀ rẹ̀ tín-ín-rín-tín méjì yẹn láìsí ìrànwọ́. Ó ń dúró pé kí bàbá kì í kú orí ire, kí ó tó di wí pé ó tẹ̀síwájú láti jẹ́ isẹ́ kan - iṣẹ́ yẹn!


Alamu took a look at his daughter, and then took a look at the bottle of beer in front of him. He seemed to be holding a silent debate within himself over which one to choose... Alamu took another swig from the bottle. He seemed to prefer the bottle!


Àlàmú wo ọmọ rẹ̀, ó sì tún wo ìgò ọtí iwájú rẹ̀. Ó fẹ́ jọ pé ó ń jiyàn kẹ́lẹ́kẹ́lẹ́ lórí èyí tí yóò mú... Àlàmú gbé ọtí náà mu kíákíá, ó dàbí i pé ó fẹ́ ìgò ọtí náà ju ọmọ rẹ̀ lọ!


Then he recoiled and took a hateful look at the intruding little rat in front of him. It was a rather sullen, distant look, as if he was seeing his own child for the first time. He laughed a vociferous laughter. Little Tinu screamed. And crying, she scrambled away on all fours, not waiting to deliver any message.


Lẹ́yìn náà ó fa sẹ́yìn, ó sì wo eku kékeré iwájú rẹ̀ ní ìwò ìrira. Ó jẹ́ ìwò ìbínú tó jinná, bí ìgbà tí ó sẹ̀sẹ̀ ń rí ọmọ tirẹ̀fún ìgbà àkọ́kọ́. Ó rín ẹ̀rín aláriwo. Tinú kékeré han. Pẹ̀lú igbe ó rá kúrò láídúró jísẹ́ kankan.


Inside the matrimonial home, Labake literally saw a lurid cloud of smoke, Alamu had set his own home on fire, it appeared. And his mother has readily assisted, sprinkling petrol on the burning roof, to make it an inferno! And what would you do when you find yourself deep inside an inferno? When fire appeared on the mountain? Run, not so?


Nínú ilé ìgbéyàwó yìí, Làbákẹ́ rí àgbájọ èéfín tó pòkudu, Àlàmú ti dá iná sí ilé tirẹ̀ ganan, ó farahàn. Ìyá rẹ̀ sì ti ràn-án lọ́wọ́ láti wọ́n bẹntiróòlù sórí òrùlé tó ń jóná náà, láti sọ ọ́ di iná ńlá! Kí sì ni ènìyàn lè ṣe bí ó bá bá ara rẹ̀ nínú iná àìlééru báyìí? Bí iná bá ń jó lórí òkè gíga? Àfi kí ènìyàn sáré, àbí bẹ́ẹ̀kọ́?


Labake knew what to do. And she set about the business of packing cautiously and methodically. On the day she started, she stood on the balcony of the house and listened as Alamu revived the engine of his old Volkswagen in the garage and later backed the car out. She waited patiently until the car disappeared into the corner of the street with its usual trail of smoke and ear-splitting noise. The she ran back into the room.


Làbákẹ́ mọ ohun tí yóò ṣe. Ó sì bẹrẹ̀ ìpalẹ̀mọ́ lẹ́sẹẹsẹ àti létòlétò. Ní ọjọ́ tó bẹ̀rẹ̀, ó dúró sí ọ̀dẹ̀dẹ̀ ilé wọn, ó sì ń tẹ́tí sí bí Àlàmú ṣe ń ṣáná sí ẹ́ńjíìnì ọkọ̀ gbígbó rẹ̀ nínú ọgbà ìgbọ́kọ̀sí, nígbà tó sìyá ọkọ náà fẹ̀yìn rìn jáde. Ó dúró pẹ̀lú sùúrù pé kí ọkọ̀ náà pòórá sí kọ̀rọ̀ òpópònà pẹ̀lú èéfín àdámọ́ àti ariwo ajánilétí rẹ̀. Lẹ́yìn náà ni ó sáré wọ yàrá.


Inside the room, Labake flew at the standing hanger and started removing her clothes. Hurriedly, she pressed them inside the trunk boxes. Two cupboards inside the room contained trinklets and toiler articles and she started packing the items inside two empty raffia basket containers.


Nínú yàrá, Làbákẹ́ bọ́ ìfasokọ́sí, ó sì bẹ̀rẹ̀ si í i yọ àwọn aṣọ rẹ̀. Kíá, ó ti kó wọn sínú àpótí aṣọ. Ohun ẹ̀ṣọ́ ara ni ókún inú kọ́ńbọ́ọ̀dù méjì nínú yàrá náà, ó sì kó àwọn nǹkan inú rẹ̀ sínú apẹ̀rẹ̀ rafia òfìfo méjì ní kíákíá.


She stopped briefly and heaved a sigh ... Was she not runnign mad herself? Going crazy? How was she going to pack everything in the room without anybody's assistance? Her eyes caught the standing fan, the standing mirror and the movable wardrobe. Better to leave those till the last minute. They could be left where they are for the time being.


Ó dáwọ́ dúró díẹ̀, ó sì mí àmíkàn... ṣé òun fúnrarẹ̀ ò máa ya wèrè báyìí? Ṣé kò máa sínwín? Báwo ni yóò ṣe kó gbogbo nǹkan inú yàrá láìsẹni tí á ràn án lọ́wọ́? Ojú rẹ̀ lọ́ sí ibi fáánù adádúró, ibi dígí adádúró àti ilé ìfaṣọpamọ́sí tó ṣe é gbé. Á dáa kí ó fi gbogbo ìyẹn sílẹ̀ ná. Wọ́n ṣì lè wà níbi tí wọn wa yẹn ná.


An hour later, the sound of Alamu's car came to her ears ... Coming back home so soon today?


Lẹ́yìn wákàtí kan, ohun ọkọ̀ Àlàmú tún wá sí etí rẹ̀ ... Ó tún tètè wálé lónìí?


Hurriedly Labake pushed the trunk boxes to the back of the door, closed the two cupboards, pressed the raffia baskets under the family bed, wiped the perspiration off her brow and came out of the room trying to look cool and collected ... Wasn't she running mad too? Wasn't she really going mad? She started breathing heavily.


Kíákíá ni Làbákẹ́ ti àwọn àpótí aṣọ náà sí ẹ̀yìn ilẹ̀kùn, ó pa pẹpẹ méjèèjì dé, ó ti àwọn apẹ̀ẹ̀rẹ̀ náàbọ abẹ́ ìbùsùn ẹbí, ó nu òógùn kúrò ní òkè ojú rẹ̀ ó sì jáde kúrò nínú yàrá, ó ń gbìyànjú láti ṣe dáadáa... Ṣe òun náà ò ti wá máa ya wèrè? Ṣe kò máa sínwín báyìí? Ó bẹ̀rẹ̀ si í mí kíkankíkan.


The following morning, she swung into real action, she dressed up, hooked her small handbag under her left armpit, and soon she was on the street hailing a taxi. As she waited for one she silently rehearsed the story she was soon going to relate. It must be neatly related convincingly. Nothing must be left out.


Lówùúrọ́ ọjọ́ kejì, ó bẹ̀rẹ̀ isẹ́ rẹ̀ ní pẹrẹu, ó múra, ó fi báàgì ìfàlọ́wọ́ sí abíyá apá òsì, láìpẹ́ ó ti wà ní òpòpónà tí ó ń pe kabúkabú. Bí ó ṣe ń dúró de kabúkabú ni ó ń ronú nǹkan tí yóò sọ. Ó gbọ́dọ̀ sọ̀rọ̀ dáadáa tí yóò dánilójú. Kò sì gbọdọ̀ yọ nǹkankan sílẹ̀.


"It took Labake more than thirty minutes to get to her destination. Oke-Are was not too direct form Oke-Ado. There was the Beere traffic jam to put up with. The perennial ""hold-up along Agbeni - Lebanon Street, not to talk of the menace of the danfo and taxi drivers around Ogunpa. The more direct Gege - Okefofo road had been blocked as a result of a deep trench dug by the Water men. The trench had been there for some two months but noiselessly into an annhs or so, and it appeared the Water men were in no hurry at all to fill it up. So, it was now the longer route which Labake took, but, finally she got to Oke-Ado and entered the lawyers"" chambers. The signboard was imposing."


Ó gba Làbákẹ́ ni bí i ọgbọ̀n ìṣẹ́jú kí ó tó débi tó ń lọ. Òkè-Àrẹ kò lọ tààrà láti Òkè-Àdó. Ó sì ní láti kọjà níbi sún-kẹrẹ-fà-kẹrẹ ọkọ̀ ní Bẹẹrẹ. Èyí tó sì wà ní òpópònà Agbeni sí Lẹbanon ò gbẹ́yìn, kí a tó wásọ ti ìwàkuwà àwọn awakọ̀ dánfó àti kabúkabú lágbèègbè Ògùnpa. Ọ̀nà tí ó ṣe tààrà láti Gẹ́gẹ́ sí Òkèfòkò látàrí kòtò ńlá tí àwọn olómi gbẹ́ síbẹ̀. Ihò náà á ti máa lo bí i oṣù méjì tábì jù bẹ́ẹ̀ lọ, ó sì jọ wí pé àwọn olómi náà kò kánjú láti dí i pa. Fún ìdí èyí, ọ̀nà tí ó gùn jù ni Làbákẹ́ gbà, ṣùgbọ́n ó jàjà dé Òkè-Àdó, ó sì wọ ọ̀fìisi àwọn agbẹ́jọ́rò lọ. Pátákó ìjúwe náà mú ni lọ́kàn.


"As she stepped into the receptionist's office, her heart started beating fast. She filled in the visitor's slip with trembling fingers, took a seat and looked round strangely, almost timidly. Everything in the lawyers"" chambers followed a definitely rigid pattern; the way she was welcomed; the way answers were given to her requests."


Bí ó ṣe wọ inú ọ́fíìsi olùgbàlejò, ọ̀kan rẹ̀ bẹ̀rẹ̀ sí i ṣe kì-kì-kì. Ó ṣe àkọsílẹ̀ rẹ̀ sínú ìwé pélébé àlejò, ó ḿu ìjokòó ó sì bẹ̀rẹ̀ sí i wò rá-rà-rá, tìbẹ̀rù tìbẹ̀rù. Gbogbo nǹkan inú ọ́fíìsì àwọn agbẹ́jọ́rò yìí ni ó ní bátànì, bí wọ́n ṣe kí i káàbọ̀; ìkíni rẹ̀ àti bí wọ́n ṣe ń dáhùn ìbéèrè.


Good day madam.


Ẹ kú ojúmọ́ ìyá.


Here to see the lawyer?


Ẹ fẹ́ rí Agbẹjọ́rò?


That's right, please take your seat, you are welcome.


Ó dáa bẹ́ẹ̀, ẹ jọ̀wọ́, ẹ jókòó, ẹ káàbọ̀.


"Could you fill this slip? O.K. I'll be back right now."" the receptionist walked briskly, but noiselessly into an inner office with the visitors"" slip, and returned exactly two minutes later."


"Ṣe ẹ lè ṣe àkọ́sílẹ̀ yìí? Ó dáa. Mò ńbọ̀ nísìnyí,"" olùgbàlejò náà rìn kíà láìpariwo lọ inú ọ́fíìsì kan nínú, ó sì padà dé lẹ́yìn ìṣẹ́jú méjì gérégé."


"""You will please hold on madam, for about five minutes."""


"""Ẹ máa ní láti dúró ìyá, fún bí ìṣẹ́jú márùn-ún."""


Labake saw the pictures of the two lawyers running the chambers hanging on the wall. They both wore the typical lawyer's look - unsmiling; stern-looking; brows knitted; lips tensed; uncompromising features and a penetrating gaze- strong enough to make the beholder blush. One of them wore dark glasses and looked familiar to Labake.


Làbákẹ́ rí àwòrán agbẹjọ́rò méjì tí ó darí ọ́fíísì náà tí wọn gbé kọ́ ògiri. Àwọn méjéèjì múra bí i agbẹjọ́rò - láìrẹ́rìn-ín pẹ̀lú ojú líle wọn fa ojú ro ẹnu wọn padé, àwọn àbùdá tí kì í jẹ́kí ènìyàn ṣe àní-àní, àti ìwò àrímáleèlọ ni wọ́n ní tí ó ń mú ẹni yòówù tí ó bá rí wọn gbàgbé ara wọn. Ọ̀kan lára wọn lo ìgò dúdú ojú rẹ̀ sì jọ ojú mímọ̀ sí Làbákẹ́.


After exactly five minutes, Labake was ushered into a room where one of the lawyers, Akanni Mustafa was waiting to receive her.


Lẹ́yìn ìsẹ́jú márùn-ún géérégé, wọn pe Làbákẹ́ wọ yàrá kan, tí ọ̀kan ninú àwọn lọ́yà, ìyẹn Àkànní Mústàfá ti ń dúró láti gbà á lálejò.


"""You are welcome madam."""


"""Ẹ káàbọ̀ ìyá"""


"""Please pull a chair, we are at your service, what's the problem? Take it easy, take everything easy."""


"""Ẹ mú àga kan, a wà níbí fún yín, kí ló sẹlẹ̀? Ẹ ṣe jẹ́jẹ́, ẹ ṣe gbogbo ǹkan jẹ́jẹ́."""


Barrister Mustafa had obviously noticed the anxiety on the face of Labake.


Amòfin Mústàfá ti ṣàkíyèsí hílà-hílo tí ó hàn lójú Làbákẹ́.


"He was an experienced lawyer who knew how best to put the clients"" mind at ease."


Ó jẹ́ agbẹjọ́rò tí ó ní ìrírí tí ó sì mọ bí wọ́n ṣe ń fi ọkàn oníbàárà balẹ̀.


Whatever was the magnitude of the problem, he knew that clients would always display fear and anxiety.


Kò síbí ìṣòro náà ṣe lè pọ̀ tó, ó mọ̀ pé àwọn oníbàárà máa ń gbé ìbẹ̀rù àti hílà-hílo wọn sójú.


Those who came for criminal cases were usually the most difficult to handle.


Àwọn tí ó bá bá ọ̀rọ̀ ọ̀ràn wá ní wọn máa ń le láti kojú jù.


They would relate their experience sobbing, biting their lips, sucking their fingertips, and pulling at the hair.


Wọn á máa sọ ìrírí wọn tẹkúntẹkún, wọn á má a gé ètè ara wọn jẹ, wọn á má fa orí ìka ọwọ́ wọn mú tàbí kí wọn máa fa irun ara wọn.


And this always made it difficult, if not impossible, to get details immediately.


Àwọn èyí sì má a ń jẹ́ kí ó le tàbí, kí ó má ṣe é ṣe láti rí àlàyé kíkún gbà lẹ́nu wọn.


For them, the fact-finding investigation had to be conducted very tactfully.


Fún irú wọn, ìwádìí òtítọ́ ní láti wáyé pẹ̀lú ọgbọ́n ẹ̀wẹ́.


Otherwise, there would be loop-holes created here and there to the advantage of the opposing camp.


Láìjẹ́ bẹ́ẹ̀ àwọn ìhò a pọ̀ fún àǹfààní àwọn ọ̀tá láti rí wọ̀.


But those who came for civil cases were milder and easier to handle.


Ṣùgbọ́n àwọn tí wọn bá bá ẹjọ́ abẹ́lé wá máa ń rọrùn láti gbámú.


With occasional expressions of griefs, clients in this category would shout their innocence and speak a large part of truth - if not the whole truth.


Wọn a máa fi ẹ̀dùn ọkàn wọn hàn lẹ́ẹ̀kọ̀ọ̀kan oníbàárà ní abẹ́ ọ̀wọ́ yìí máa ń fọnrere àìmọ́wọ mẹsẹ̀ wọn, wọ́n sì máa ń sọ púpọ̀ òótọ́ ọ̀rọ̀ wọn ìyẹn tí kì í báá ṣe òótọ́ pọ́nbélé.


And if you cross-examined them twenty times they would repeat the same account with just a little, or no contradiction at all.


Bí ènìyàn bá sì ṣàgbéyẹ̀wò nǹkan tí wọn bá sọ nígbà ogún, nǹkan kan náà ni ẹni náà á gbọ́ lẹ́nu wọn pẹ̀lú ìyàtọ̀ bín-ín-tín tàbí kí ó má sì ìyàtọ̀ kankan rárá.


Lawyer Mustafa put Labake in the second category. He was right.


Irú ọwọ́ yìí ni agbẹjọ́rò Mústàfá fi Làbákẹ́ sí. Ó sì tọ̀nà bẹ́ẹ̀.


Breathlessly, Labake related her experience in her matrimonial home, she traced the story of her happy love affair with Alamu right from the time they were in England through to the time they arrived in Nigeria for the marriage, which was celebrated with pomp and peageantry.


Láísìnmi, Làbákẹ́ ròyìn gbogbo ìrírí rẹ̀ nílé ọkọ rẹ̀, ó bẹ̀rẹ̀ ìtàn ìfẹ́ rẹ̀ pẹ̀lú Àlàmú láti ìbẹ̀rẹ̀, nígbà tí wọn wà nílùú Englandi títí di ìgbà tí wọ́n fi dé orílẹ̀-èdè Nàìjíríà fún ìgbéyàwó tí wọ́n ṣe táyé gbọ́ tọ́run mọ̀.


Hopes were high for a great future as Alamu secured the lucrative job of an Accountant in the reputable Bajoks Company Limited and their child, Tinu, arrived to add to their joy.


Ìrètí wọn fún ọjọ́ iwájú wọn ga bí Àlàmú ṣe rísẹ́ asírò-ọ̀rọ̀ sílé iṣẹ́ Bajoks tó gbajúmọ̀, àti ọmọ wọn Tinú tó dé láti wá dákún ayọ̀ wọn.


From then on, fate struck a devastating blow and the matrimonial life.


Lẹ́yìn ìgbà náà ní ìjì bẹ̀rẹ̀ si í jà tí ọkọ̀ ìgbéyàwó wọn bẹ̀rẹ̀ si í kọsẹ̀.


Each the woeful event came vividly to her mind, and with the force and reality of a picture-strip from a film projector.


Gbogbo ìṣẹ̀lẹ̀ náà ń wá sí i lọ́kàn kedere bí ìgbà tí ó bá sẹ̀sẹ̀ ń sẹlẹ̀.


She related the story of her husband's deterioration and his eccentric habits at home.


Ó sọ ìtàn ìfàsẹ́yìn ọkọ rẹ̀ àti àwọn ìṣe aágà nná tí ó ń ṣe nílé.


Her eyes welled up in tears when she came to the role her old mother-in-law was playing in the whole affair.


Ojú rẹ̀ kúnfún omijé nígbà tí ọ̀rọ̀ rẹ̀ débi ipa tí ìyá ọkọ rẹ̀ ń kó nínú gbogbo ọ̀rọ̀ náà.


That was to her, the final straw breaking the camels back.


Sí i ìyẹn ni àjẹǹjẹtán ọ̀rọ̀ náà.


Labake did not know how best to knit the events together to make a good case for a divorce suit.


Làbákẹ́ ò mọ ònà tí ó dára jù láti so gbogbo ìṣẹ̀lẹ̀ náà pọ̀ láti lè fi ṣe ẹjọ́ ìkọ̀sílẹ̀ gidi.


By the time she'd finished her story, she'd become so completely overcome, she felt so hot all over the body even though the air-conditioner was switched to its maximum in the lawyer's office.


Nígbà tí ó máa fi parí ìtàn rẹ̀, ó dàbí i pé wọ́n ti borí, ọ̀rọ̀ náà ti gbọ̀n-ọ́n, ooru mú un ní gbogbo ara, bí ó tilẹ̀ jẹ́ pé ẹ̀rọ amúlétutù wà ní títàn dé góńgó nínú ọ́fíísì agbẹjọ́rò náà.


Alright... Alright madam. Take it easy madam, we have a case ... a good case.


Ó dáa ... Ó dáa ìyáàfin, ẹ ṣe jẹ́jẹ́ ìyáàfin, à ti lẹ́jọ́ ... ẹjọ́ tó dára.


We have good grounds to start a divorce suit.


A sì ti ní ìpìlẹ̀ tó dára láti bẹ̀rẹ̀ ẹjọ́ ìkọ̀sílẹ̀.


Lawyer Mustafa pressed a button and it was then that Labake saw, for the first time that all what she said had been tape-recorded.


Agbẹjọ́rò Mústàfá tẹ bọ́tìnì kan, ìgbà náà ni Làbákẹ́ sẹ̀sẹ̀ rí i pé gbogbo nǹkan tí òun sọ ni wọ́n ti gbà sílẹ̀.


That, of course, did not matter much to her it was the way of the lawyers.


Gbogbo èyí kò kúkú kàn án, ọ̀nà àwọn agbẹjọ́rò nìyẹn.


All she wanted was a quick nullification of the marriage contract. No more no less. And she had every confidence in his lawer whom everybody in town knew for his fearlessness and competence in interpreting the law.


Gbogbo nǹkan tí ó ń fẹ́ ni ìtúká ìgbéyàwó náà ní kíákíá. Kò fẹ́ nǹkan mìíràn lẹ́yìn ìyẹn. Ó sì ní ìgbàgbọ́ nínú agbẹjọ́rò tí gbogbo ènìyàn ìgboro mọ̀ nígbòro fún àìníbẹ̀rù rẹ̀ àti ìgbójú rẹ̀ nínú títúmọ̀ òfin.


Lawyer Mustafa and his partner had the reputation of handling seemingly hopeless cases, holding the court spellbound, confusing the opponents with incontrovertible evidence.


Agbẹjọ́rò Mústàfá àti ẹnìkejì rẹ̀ ní orúkọ nípa kíkápá ẹjọ́ tí a rò pé kò nírètí mọ́ nípa lílo ẹ̀rí tó yèkoro láti ka kóòtù ní ẹ̀jafúú àti láti dà òpó àwọn alátakò rú pẹ̀lú ẹ̀rí tó dájú.


"""We have a good case madam,"" he repeated, ""No need o worry."""


"""A ní ẹjọ́ tó dára ìyáàfin,"" ó tún un sọ, ""Ẹ kò nílò láti dààmú."""


"We are going to file a divorce suit on five grounds: drunkenness, wickedness, dereliction of duty, neglect of responsibility and total disrespect for thee sacred oath of the Marriage Act on the part of your husband."""


A máa fi ẹ̀sùn yìí kàn lórí ẹ̀sùn márùn-ún yìí; ọtí àmupara, ìwà ìkà, àìka isẹ́-ẹni sí, fífi ojúṣe-ẹni sílẹ̀ àti àìbọ̀wọ̀ fún ìgbéyàwó fún ọkọ yín.


Lawyer Mustafa finished, chuckling confidently.


Agbẹjọ́rò Mústàfá parí ọ̀rọ̀ rẹ̀ ó sì rẹ́rìn-ín pẹ̀lú ìgboyà.


Lawyer Mustafa asked Labake a few other minor questions about the home and requested her to submit to them at the chambers, her marriage certificate and wedding ring for inspection - also their wedding album.


Agbẹjọ́rò Mústàfá bí Làbákẹ́ ní àwọn ìbéèrè kéékèèké mìíràn nípa ilé, ó sì sọ fún un pé kí ó mú àwọn ìwé-ẹ̀rí àti òrùka ìgbéyàwó wá fún ìtọpinpin àti ìwé àkojọpọ̀àwòrán ìgbéyàwó wọn náà.


After that, they would sit down, and determine what her bill would be - how much she would pay, and the rest.


Lẹ́yìn èyí ni wọ́n á jòkòó, wọn á sì wo iye owó tí yóò san, owó iṣẹ́ rẹ̀ àti àwọn nǹkan yòókù.


"""It's a pity madam,"" Lawyer Mustafa said, ""my partner is out."


"""Ó ṣeni láàánú ìyá,"" Agbejọ́rò Mústàfá ń bá ọ̀rọ̀ rẹ̀ bọ̀, ""Ẹnìkejì mi jáde."""


You will have the opportunity of meeting him when next you come.


Ẹ̀ ẹ́ ní àǹfààní láti mọ̀ ọ́n nígbà tí ẹ bá tún wá.


We are always together.... You know, putting heads together to crack the nut of stubborn cases. Two heads are better than one, as people say.


A jọ máa ń wà pọ̀ ni .... Ṣé ẹ mọ̀, kí a foríkorí láti fọ agbọ̀n ẹjọ́ tó bá yi. Orí méjì sàn ju ọ̀kan bí àwọn ènìyàn ṣe máa ń sọ.


I'll brief him fully about your suit... in case my plan to travel abroad next week materializes, he'll take over your case.


Máa sọ ọ̀rọ̀ ẹjọ́ yín fún un... aìíbaàámọ̀ èrò mi láti lọ sí ìlú ọba lè wá sí ìmúsẹ lọ́sẹ̀ tó ń bọ̀, òun ni yóò bá a yín máa bá ẹjọ́ náà lọ.


We are one and the same, no problem. Labake smiled, the battle was, indeed, half-won. With these two sharp lawyers battling it out on her behalf in court, she had nothing to fear, she was going to defeat Alamu hands down.


Ọ̀kanṣoṣo ni wá, nǹkankan náà sì ní wá pẹ́lù, kò sí ìṣòro. Làbákẹ́ rẹ́rìn-ín músẹ́, ó ti ja ogun náà ní àjàyè dé ìdajì. Pẹ̀lú ìrànwọ́ àwọn agbejọ́rò tó múnádoko méjì yìí nílé ẹjọ́, kò ní nǹkankan láti bẹ̀rù, yóò borí Àlàmú délẹ̀.


When finally Labake rose to go, her countenance had brightened. Her heart had stopped beating that confused rhythm. And what she heard finally from Lawyer Mustafa raised her spirit and cheered her heart. It was like tonic to a troubled heart.


Nígbà tí Làbákẹ́ jàjà dìde láti máa lọ, ojú rẹ̀ ti yàtọ̀. Ọkàn rẹ̀ ti ṣíwọ́ lílù kì-kì-kì. Òhun tí ó sì gbọ́ lẹ́nu Agbẹjọ́rò Mústàfá gbẹ̀yìn gbé ẹ̀mí rẹ̀ sókè, ó sì dá ọkàn rẹ̀ lárayá. Ó dàbí i òògùn ẹ̀jẹ̀ sí ọkàn tí ó ti pòrúurù.


"""No problem about the little child - your child, Lawyer Mustafa assured, she will be adequately catered for in the suit, we know how to do that,"" the Lawyer calmed her again."


"""Kò sí ìṣòro nípa ti ọmọ kékeré yẹn-ọmọ yín, amáa ṣètọ́jú tirẹ̀ nínú ẹjọ́ náà, a mọ bí a ṣe máa ṣe é,"" Agbẹjọ́rò tún fi ọkàn rẹ̀ balẹ̀."


Labake walked out of the lawyer's office smiling at the courteous receptionist.


Làbákẹ́ rìn jáde nínú ọ́fíisì agbẹjọ́rò náà pẹ̀lú ẹ̀rín músẹ́ sí olùgbàlejò ọlọ́yàyà náà.


Lawyer Mustafa's eyes followed his prospective client out.


Ojú Agbẹjọ́rò Mústàfá tẹ̀lé oníbàárà rẹ̀ jáde.


What a thoroughly disillusioned that young lady she was.


Irú arábìnrin aláìlẹ́tàn tí ó jẹ́.


A lady who had seen the troubles of marraige just once and thinks it would crush her. The problem with her was the problem with thousands of other young housewives in town.


Obìnrin tí ó ti rí wàhálà ìgbéyàwó ní ẹ̀ẹ̀kan ṣoṣo, ti ó wá ń rò ó pé ọ̀runfúnrarẹ fẹ́ wó pa á. Ìṣòro tí ó ní yìí náà ní ìṣòro tí ẹgbẹẹgbẹ̀rún àwọn ìyàwó-ilé kéé-kèè-ké mìíràn ń ní nígboro.


The women would have sleepless nights over small matrimonial matters.


Àwọn obìnrin náà ń ṣe àìsùn lóru lórí ọ̀rọ̀ tí ò tó nǹkan nínú ìgbéyàwó.


They would lament and curse the day they were married!


Wọn á rojọ́, wọn à sì gégùn-ún fún ọjọ́ tí wọn ṣe ìsopọ̀ tọkọtaya!


They would swear the end had come.


Wọn á búra pé òpin ti dé.


They would threaten to take poison, and what they fret so much about, in most cases, are matters that could be amicably settled out of court by their respective parents at home.


Wọn á halẹ̀ láti gbé májèlé jẹ, àwọn nǹkan tí ó ń bí wọn nínú lọ́pọ̀ ìgbà kìí tó nǹkan, irú àwọn ọ̀rọ̀ bẹ́ẹ̀ ṣe é yanjú nílé pẹ̀lú àwọn òbí wọn láìdélé ẹjọ́.


It was either that the husband stayed in the office doing over-time work with the lady secretary for company; that would not eat well at home - indicating that he'd satisfied himself somewhere outside; that he sleeps off immediately after dinner and would not wake up till early the following morning; that he would talk in his sleep about some secret lover or that the husband no longer placed his fat salary at the disposal of members of the household; that he was tied to the apron strings of his parents, neglecting her - the lady of the house and so forth.


Ó lè jẹ́ pé ọkọ pẹ́ níbisẹ́ tí ó ń ṣe àṣekún iṣẹ́ pẹ̀lú akọ̀we rẹ̀ obìnrin; tí ò sì jẹun dáadáa nílé, ìyẹn ń túmọ̀ sí pé ó tí tẹ ara rẹ̀ lọ́rùn níbìkan ni; bí ó bá sùn ní kété tó jẹun alẹ́ tí ò sì jí títí tí ilẹ̀ ọjọ́ kejì fi mọ́; tàbí ó sọ̀rọ̀ olólùfẹ́ ìkọ̀kọ̀ láti ojú oorun tàbí pé ọkọ ò gbé owó oṣù rẹ̀ lé bùkátà àwọn ara ilé mọ̀ tàbí pé ó sọ ara rẹ̀ mọ́ àwọn òbí rẹ̀ jú, tí ó sì gbójúfò òun dá - ìyẹn ìyàwó ilé àti àwọn ìdí bẹ́è bẹ́ẹ̀ lọ.


Lawyer Mustafa watched Labake walk away. He was full of pity for her.


Agbẹjọ́rò Mústàfá wo Làbákẹ́ bí ó ṣe ń rìn lọ, tí àánú rẹ̀ sì ń ṣe é.


If only woman would learn to endure and men would learn to be patient; if only couples would learn to talk over their grievances with mutual love and respect, and laugh over their mistakes and failures, surely, bitterness would find no place in their homes and the question of going to court to settle scores would be entirely out of it. But then, that would put lawyers out of business.


Bí àwọn obìnrin bá lè kọ́ bí a ṣe ń rọ́jú, kí àwọn ọkùnrin náà kọ́ bí a ṣe ń ní sùúrù; bí àwọn tokọtaya bá lè kọ́ bí á ṣe ń sọ̀rọ̀ lórí ìbànújẹ́ wọn pẹ̀lú àjọpín ìfẹ́ àti ìbọ̀wọ̀ kí wọ́n sì rẹ́rìn-ín lórí gbogbo àṣìṣe àti ìkùnà wọn, dájúdájú ìkorò ò ní ráyè nínú ilé wọn, kò sì ní sí ìdí láti gbẹ́jọ́ wọn délé ẹjọ́ kí wọn tó parí ẹ̀. Ṣùgbọ́n báyẹn, àwọn agbẹjọ́rò ò ní rí isẹ́ ṣe.


Lawyer Mustafa knew it was good that he had agreed to help Labake prosecute the case.


Agbẹjọ́rò Mústàfá mọ̀ pé ó dára bí òun ṣe gbà láti bá Làbákẹ́ ṣe ẹjọ́ náà.


Labake was satisfied, she arrived back at home a satisfied woman.


Ó tẹ́ Làbákẹ́ lọ́rùn, ó délé padà bí obìnrin tí ó ní ìtẹ̀lọ́rùn.


But with one resolution: that she would henceforth meet force with force.


Ṣùgbọ́n pẹ̀lú ìpinnu kan nipé òun a máa gbé ipá wojú ipá ni.


If Alamu was dumb, she too would seal her own lips completely.


Bí Àlàmú bá ya odi, òun náà a se ètè tirẹ̀ pátápátá.


If he shouted at her, she too would yell back at him.


Bí ó bá pariwo mọ́ ọn, òun náà á pariwo padà.


If Alamu laughed out to her, the usual way - like a mad man, she too would open her mouth wide and trumpet her laughter - so loud it would make Alamu himself tremble!


Bí Àlàmú bá rẹ́rìn-ín aláriwo sí i bí ó ṣe máa ń rín in bí i wèrè, òun náà á lánu tirẹ̀ fẹ̀, á sì rín ẹ̀rín aláriwo tirẹ̀ padà, ariwo rẹ̀ á pọ̀ tó bẹ́ẹ̀ tí Àlàmú fúnrarẹ á gbọ̀n rìrì!


Henceforth, it was going to be the tramp facing the lunatic inside a mad house in open combat! Two forces.


Láti ìsìnyí lọ, ọ̀rọ̀ wọn á di ti alárìnkiri tí ó kọjúmọ́ asínwín nílé wèrè, ní ìjàkadì gbangba! Agbára ipá méjì.


Then the inevitable explosion which would for ever separate them.


Lẹ́yìn náà ni ti ariwo tí ò ṣe é sá fún tí yóò tú wọn ká títí láé.


The voice of Tinu came to Labake from the backyard of their flat - mocking her or so it seemed.


Ohùn Tinú wá sí etí Làbákẹ́ láti ẹ̀hìnkùlé ilé wọn - bí ìgbà tí ó bá ń ṣe yẹ̀yẹ́ ní o jọ́.


"""Tata - Tatata - Papapa Papa - Papapa."" The little girl staggered towards the sitting room and saw her mother. Then she changed her mind."


"""Tata-tatata - bababa-baba-bababa,"" ọmọ náà ta gbọ̀n-ọ́n gbọ̀n-ọ́n lọ́nà yàrá ìgbafẹ́, ó sì rí ìyá rẹ̀. Lẹ́yìn náà ní ó yí ọkàn padà."


"""Mama - ma ma ma ma - mama - mamama."""


"""Màmá-ma ma ma -màmá-mamama"""


Labake smiled, what a sharp quick-witted child she was.


Làbákẹ́ rẹ́rìn-ín músẹ́, irú ọmọ tó gbọ́n wo rè é.


If she had the gift of language, she would have long gone to deliver the message she sent her to her daddy.


Bí ó bá jẹ́ pé ó ni ẹ̀bùn èdè ni, á tí jíṣẹ́ tí ó rán sí bàbá rẹ̀ tipẹ́tipẹ́.


A very sharp, very inquisitive little girl, she would grow up in future with questions on her smart lips.


Ọmọ tí ó dá ṣáṣá , tí ó gbọ́n, bí ó bá dàgbà lọ́jọ́ iwájú ìbéèrè ákún ẹnu rẹ̀.


She would want to know why she was the victim of a broken home. Yes... She had right to know.


Á fẹ́ mọ̀ ìdí tí ó fi jẹ́ pé ilé tí ó túká ni òun ti wá. Bẹ́ẹ̀ ni... ó ní ẹ̀tọ́ láti mọ̀.


Labake knew it would be imperative to satisfy Tinu with an explanation.


Làbákẹ́ mọ̀ pé dandan ni kí òun fi àlàyé tẹ́ Tinú lọ́rùn.


There was the need for her, henceforth, to start keeping a diary of the daily events at home.


Ó nílò láti ní ìwé ìjẹ́rìí-ẹni tí yóò máa kọ ìṣẹ̀lẹ̀ ojoojúmọ́ inú ilé náà sí.


This diary she would show Tinu in future.


Ìwé yìí ni á fi han Tinú lọ́jọ́ iwájú.


And the poor girl, no doubt, would read it with tears in her eyes.


Ọmọbìnrin aláìsẹ̀, náàá kàá pẹ̀lú omijé lójú láìsí àní-àní.


Her father's beer and how he vomitted on her, how he pushed her, how he kicked little Tinu herself, the poor girl screaming, tumbling, bruising her lips and the gum of her newly-formed teeth.


Ọtí àmupara bàbá rẹ̀ - bí ó ṣe bì sí i lára tí ó sì tì í, ó ta á nípàá, tí ọmọ náà ń han, tí ó ń yíràá nílẹ̀ tí ó ṣèṣe létè àti èrìgì eyín tuntun rẹ̀ lọ́jọ kan.


Her father's madness and neglect, shirking all the responsibilities of a father and husband, his uproarious laughter and the detestable habit of keeping late hours outside.


Wèrè àti ìtàdanù bàbá rẹ̀, tí ó ń gbọn ẹ̀tọ́ rẹ̀ gẹ́gẹ́ bí i bàbá àti ọkọ dànù, ẹ̀rín aláriwo rẹ̀, àti wíwọlé lóru rẹ̀ bí ọrọ̀.


All these things combining to push her to seek divorce, not to talk of the constant disgrace and embarrasment from Mama and the neighbours...


Gbogbo èyí ló tì í láti sẹjọ́ ìkọ̀sílẹ̀, kí á tó wá sọ ti àbùkù ti màmá fi ń kàn án àti ìdààmú láti ọwọ́ màmá àti àwọn ará àdúgbò...


Labake was right. The neighbours' attitude had started becoming more and more intolerable. Only last night Labake heard her neighbours talking to her again in the usual way; but this time in a tone that was both sarcastic and contemptuous.


Òtítọ́ ni Làbákẹ́ sọ. Ìṣesí àwọn ará àdúgbò rẹ̀ kò ṣe é gbà sára rárá. Alẹ́ àná nàá ni Làbákẹ́ gbọ́ tí àwọn ará àdúgbò rẹ̀ tún ń bá a wí bí wọn ṣe máa ń sọ; Ṣùgbọ́n tọ̀tẹ̀ yìí ń pẹ̀gàn ni.


He's not only mad. She is mad too,


Ọkọ nìkan kọ́ ló ya wèrè, Ìyàwó náà ya wèrè,


Two mad people. Mad home.


Àwọn wèrè méjì . Ilé wèrè.


She pretends not to hear us, what is she waiting for really? Tell us, mad woman...


Ó ń díbọ́n bí ìgbà tí kò gbọ́ wa, kí ló ń dúró dè, lóòótọ́? Sọ fún wa, wèrè obìnrin...


They did not face her directly to talk. How then was she going to defend herself?


Wọn kò kọjúsí i tààrà láti sọ̀rọ̀. Báwo ni yóò ṣe wá gbèjà ara rẹ̀?


What a tantalising situation! A case of the prosecutor dragging the accused to court to pronounce judgment without a trial.


Irú ipò ìyọnilẹ́nu wò rè é! Ọ̀rọ̀ wá di ti olùpéjọ́ ti ó ń wọ àfẹ̀sùnkàn lọ sí ilé ẹjọ́ láti dájọ́ láìsí ìpèléjọ́.


Well, the whole world was apparently against her - Mama, Alamu, the neighbours and all.


Gbogbo ayé ni wọn ti kẹ̀yìn si - Màmá, Àlàmú, àwọn ará àdúgbò àti gbogbo ènìyàn.


So, nobody was going to stop her from pursuing the divorce suit to its logical conclusion.


Fún ìdí èyí, kò sí ẹnìkan tí yóò díi lọ́wọ́ láti pe ẹjọ́ ìkọ̀sílẹ̀ náà títí dé òpin.


If in future Tinu asked her questions, she too would have questions to ask Tinu in return, she would ask if Tinu, as a woman could have put up with such a situation and not seek divorce.


Ní ọjọ́ iwájú, bí Tinú bá bi í ní ìbèérè, òun náà á ní ìbèérè láti bi Tinú padà, á bèrè bí Tinú náà bá lè gba irú rẹ̀ gẹ́gẹ́ bí obìnrin, kí ó máa bèèr̀e fún ìkọ́sílẹ̀.


Alamu's head was up in the air.


Orí Àlàmú wà lókè.


He kept his eyes on the sitting room ceiling as he hurried out of the house clutching two files.


Ó tẹjúmọ́ òkè àjà yàrá ìgbafẹ́ wọn bí ó ṣe ń kánjú kúrò nínú ilé tí ó sì mú ìwé méjì pọ.


Labake too was hastening out of the kitchen. Husband and wife brushed past each other, chest to chest.


Làbákẹ́ jáde láti ilé ìdáná. Ọkọ àti ìyàwó bá kọlu ara wọn, ní ìdàyà kọ àyà.


The two files Alamu was holding dropped from his hand. And the empty kettle Labake was holding also fell from her hand.


Àwọn ìwé méjì tí Àlàmú kó dání jábọ́ lọ́wọ́ rẹ̀. Bẹ́ẹ̀ sì ni kẹ́tùlù tí Làbákẹ́ gbé dání náà jábọ́ lọ́wọ́ rẹ̀.


It was not easy to apportion blame.


Kò rọrùn láti dá ẹnìkan lẹ́bi.


If Alamu had his eyes fixed up on the ceiling, Labake had hers probing down into the floor of the room.


Bí ó bá jẹ́ pé Àlàmú ń tẹjú mọ́ òkè àjà ni, Làbákẹ́ náà tẹjú tirẹ̀ mọ ilẹ̀ ni bí ó ṣe ń rìn.


For some seconds, they stood gazing at each other, questioning each other with a bad look.


Fún bí i ìṣẹ́jú àáyá díẹ̀, wọ́n dúró ń wojú ara wọn, wọ́n ń fi ojú burúkú bi ara wọn léèrè.


Alamu did not utter a word.


Àlàmú kò lanu sọ nǹkankan.


Labake too did not open her lips.


Làbákẹ́ náà ò sì la ẹnu rẹ̀.


Silently, Alamu bent down and picked up his files.


Ní ìdákẹ́rọ́rọ́ ni Àlàmú bẹ̀rẹ̀ mọ́lẹ̀ tí ó sì kó ìwé rẹ̀.


Labake too quietly stooped to pick her kettle ... And the two of them went their separate ways!


Làbákẹ́ náà bẹ̀rẹ̀ gbé kẹ́tùlù nílẹ̀... Oníkálukú sì bá ọ̀nà tirẹ̀ lọ!


To hell with this man! This terrible mad man


Kò ní dá a fún ọkùnrin yìí! Ọmọkùnrin wèrè burúkú yìí.


Labake seemed to be whispering to herself.


Ó fẹ jọ wí pé Làbákẹ́ ń sọ èyí sí ara rẹ̀ ní kẹ́lẹ́kélẹ́.


Force with force! Nothing short of that! In a few days time, Alamu would get the court summons.


Ipá pẹ̀lú ipá ni! Kò sí ohun mìíràn lẹ́yiǹ ìyẹn! Tí a bá máa fì rí ọjọ́ mélòó kan, Àlàmú á gba ìpèlẹ́jọ́ ilé ẹjọ́.


His eyes would turn red and his lips would tremble like the leaves on the tree.


Ojú rẹ̀ á pọ́n, ètè rẹ̀ á sì gbọ̀n bí i ewé orí igi.


The summons would wake up all the ghosts inside his crazy head and send him off to the streets blaring the wild meaningless song of a thoroughly mad man.


Àwọn ìpèlẹ́jọ́ yẹn á jí gbogbo iwin inú orí ẹ̀ sílẹ̀, á sì rán an sí òpópónà káàkiri, á máa kígbe orin ẹhànnà aláìnítumọ̀ rẹ̀ kíkan kíkan tí ó jọ ti wèrè pọ́ńbélé.


Of course, his mother would be hot on his heels on the streets shouting the eccentric chorus! That was his own palaver... And the palaver of this old witch he called his mother.


Dájúdájú ẹsẹ̀ ìyà rẹ̀ a gbóná lórí òpópónà, tí yóò máa pariwo orin ayírí! Wàhálà tirẹ̀ niyẹn... àti wàhálà àjẹ́ àgbà tí ó pè ní ìyá rẹ̀.


Labake watched, amused, each time Alamu cast his hungry look at the dining room table. He would, for some time gaze intently at the dining table at the usual meal times only to see empty water bottles, cups turned upside down and the unwashed plates piled up with flies at strategic positions, keeping vigilant watch!


Làbákẹ́ ń wò pẹ̀lú ìyanú, nígbàkigbà tí Àlàmú bá wo tábìlì yàrá ìjẹun tebi-tebi. A tẹjú mọ́ tábìlì náà ní às̀ikò tí ó yẹ kí oúnjẹ délẹ̀, Ṣùgbọ́n kòròfo ìgò omi, ife tí wọ́n dojú ẹ̀ kọlẹ̀ àti àwọn abọ́ ìdọ̀tí tí wọ́n tò jọ pẹ̀lú esinsin nípò wọn, tí wọn ń ṣisẹ́ ẹ̀sọ́!


Labake had no explanation to give anybody anymore for her action.


Kò sí àlàyé tí Làbákẹ́ fẹ́ ṣe fún ẹnikẹni lórí ìṣe rẹ̀.


She was no longer accountable to anybody.


Kò lè jábọ̀ fún ẹnikẹ́ni mọ́.


She was no longer the lady of the house. She did not see herself as such anymore.


Òun kọ́ ni ìyá-ilé mọ́, kò sì rí ara rẹ̀ bí i ọ̀kan mọ́.


The lady of the house was the woman in perfect control of the affairs of the home.


Ìyá-ilé ní obìnrin tí gbogbo ìsẹ̀lẹ̀ ilé máa ń wà ní ìkápá rẹ̀.


The woman in love with her husband and the woman whom the husband admired in turn.


Obìnrin tí ó nífẹ̀ẹ́ ọkọ rẹ̀, tí ọkọ rẹ̀ sì nífẹ̀ẹ́.


The woman in the good books of the relatives of the husband.


Obìnrin tí ó ní àkọ́sílẹ̀ rere lọ́dọ̀ àwọn ẹbí ọkọ rẹ̀ fún.


So, Labake was not qualified.


Ìdí èyí, Làbákẹ́ kò kún ojú òsùnwọ̀n.


Now she was just a mere tenant in Alamu's house.


Ayálégbé lásán ni nílé Àlàmú báyìí.


Local radio station in Russia cancels interview with LGBT activists after threats to editor


Ilé-iṣẹ́ Agbóhùnsáfẹ́fẹ́ Ìbílẹ̀ Fagilé Ìfọ̀rọ̀wọ́rọ̀ pẹ̀lú àwọn ajìjàǹgbara LGBT lẹ́yìn ìhalẹ̀mọ́ sí olóòtú


Activists in Madrid protest LGBT rights violations in Russia


Àwọn ajìjàǹgbara ní Madrid fi ẹ̀hónú hàn lórí ìrúfin ẹ̀tọ́ LGBT ní Russia


Echo of Moscow in Yaroslavl, a local affiliate of Echo of Moscow, Russia's oldest independent radio network, cancelled an interview with LGBT activists after receiving homophobic threats, the station's editor Lyudmila Shabuyeva said in a Facebook post:


Ilé-iṣẹ́ Echo ti Moscow ní Yaroslavl tí ó jẹ́ ẹ̀ka ilé-iṣẹ́ Agbóhùnsáfẹ́fẹ́ Echo ti Moscow ìsopọ̀ tí ó ti dá dúró fún ìgbà pípẹ́ ní Russia fagi lé ìfọ̀rọ̀wọ́rọ̀ pẹ̀lú àwọn ajìjàǹgbara LGBT lẹ́yìn tí wọ́n gba ìhalẹ̀ láti ọ̀dọ̀ àwọn tí ó kórìíra-ìbálòpọ̀-láàárín-akọ-àti-akọ, olóòtú ilé-iṣẹ́ náà Lyudmila Shabuyeva sọ̀rọ̀ nínú àkọsílẹ̀ Facebook kan:


Yesterday we received threats against our guests and ourselves if we proceed with our talk show about LGBT.


Ní àná, a gba ìhàlẹ̀ kan tí ó ń lérí mọ́ àwa àti àwọn àlejòo wa tí a bá tẹ̀síwajú pẹ̀lú ètò ìfọ̀rọ̀wọ́rọ̀ọ wa nípa LGBT.


I'm cancelling the show.


Mò ń fagi lé ètò náà.


According to independent newspaper Novaya Gazeta, the show featuring Yaroslavl's LGBT activists was scheduled to air in the early morning of Wednesday, January 23.


Gẹ́gẹ́ bí ìwé ìròyìn tí ò sí ní abẹ́ ìṣàkóso ìjọba Novaya Gazeta ti ṣe sọ, ó yẹ kí ètò náà tí yóò ṣe àfihàn àwọn ajìjàǹgbara LGBT ní Yaroslavl wáyé ní òwúrọ̀ Ọjọ́rú 23, ní oṣù Ṣẹẹrẹ.


The same activists had recently picketed the town's main square to protest against the persecution of gay people in Russia, notably in the republic of Chechnya.


Àwọn ajìjàǹgbara yìí kan náà ṣẹ̀ṣẹ̀ fi ẹ̀hónú hàn ní gbàgede ìlú láti tako ìfìyàjẹ àwọn aṣe-ìbálòpọ̀-akọ-àti-akọ ní Russia, pàápàá jùlọ ní orílẹ̀ Chechnya.


The station invited them to be interviewed about the protest and their experience of being openly gay in provincial Russia.


Ilé-iṣẹ́ agbóhùnsáfẹ́fẹ́ náà pè wọ́n láti fi ọ̀rọ̀ wá wọn lẹ́nu wò nípa ìfẹ̀hónúhàn àti ìrírí wọn fún jíjáde sí gbangba gẹ́gẹ́ bíi aṣe-ìbálòpọ̀-akọ-àti-akọ ní ẹ̀ka-ìlúu Russia.


Shabuyeva's initial announcement of the show attracted a torrent of homophobic abuse in the comments, including some from local officials, but that didn't put her off, she told Novaya Gazeta.


Ìkéde Shebuyeva àkọ́kọ́ nípa ètò náà fa ẹgbẹlẹmùkù èébú ìkórìíra-ìbálòpọ̀-láàárín-akọ́-àti-akọ nínú àwọn èsì, tí èsì sì wá láti ọ̀dọ̀ àwọn òṣìṣẹ́ ọba kan bákan náà, ṣùgbọ́n ìyẹn ò mú ọkàn-an rẹ̀ kúrò, ó sọ fún Novaya Gazeta.


However, late in the night before the show, Shabuyeva says, a stranger called her on the phone from an unidentified number and told her that if she were to proceed with the scheduled programming, her guests would be met outside the studio with baseball bats.


Ṣùgbọ́n ní alẹ́ ọjọ́ tí ètò náà ku ọ̀la, Shabuyeva sọ̀rọ̀ pé òun gba ìpè àjèjì láti orí òpó ẹ̀rọ-ìbánisọ̀rọ̀ kan tí kò ṣe é dámọ̀, ẹni náà sì sọ fún òun pé bí òun bá tẹ̀síwajú pẹ̀lú ètò náà bí ó ṣe ti pinnu, wọ́n máa fi igi ìgbábọ́ọ̀lù-afọwọ́jù pàdé àwọn àlejò rẹ ní ìta ilé-iṣẹ́ náà.


She could also face problems, the anonymous caller threatened.


Òun náà sì lè kojúu wàhálà, onípè àjèjì náà léríléka.


"Fearing for her guests"" safety, Shabuyeva cancelled the show and replaced it with another programming."


Nítorí ìbẹ̀rù fún ààbò àwọn àlejòo rẹ̀, Shabuyeva fagilé ìfọ̀rọ̀wánilẹ́nuwò náà tí ó sì fi ètò mìíràn rọ́pòo rẹ̀.


The picket on Yaroslavl's main square was part of a national campaign #saveLGBTinRussia aimed at raising awareness about the brutal persecution of gay people in the republic of Chechnya.


Ìfẹ̀hónúhàn tí ó wáyé ní gbàgede ìlú wà lára ìkéde gbogboògbò #saveLGBTinRussia tí wọ́n fi ń polongo ìyà tí ó rorò tí wọ́n fi ń jẹ àwọn ènìyàn aṣe-ìbálòpọ̀-akọ-àti-akọ ní orílẹ̀ Chechnya.


Similar pickets and rallies were held in other Russian cities.


Àwọn ìwọ́de àti ìfẹ̀hónúhàn irú èyí wáyé ní àwọn ìlú mìíràn ní Russia.


The Motherland Calls on her children (the citizens) to fight xenophobia and repressions in modern Russia.


Ìlú ń ké pe àwọn ọmọ rẹ̀ (àwọn ọmọ ìlú) láti dojú ìjà kọ ìwà elẹ́yàmẹyà àti ìtẹ̀mọ́lẹ̀ ní Russia òde-òní.


Let her call awaken you!


Jẹ́ kí ìpèe rẹ̀ ta ọ́ jí!


[the sign says: RUSSIA'S DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE COULD FIND NO GAYS IN CHECHYA.


[àmì náà ń sọ pé: Ẹ̀KA ÌṢÈDÁJỌ́ TI ORÍLẸ̀-ÈDÈE RUSSIA Ò RÍ ÀWỌN AṢE-ÌBÁLÒPỌ̀-AKỌ-ÀTI-AKỌ NÍ CHECHYA.


THEY ARE THERE: IN PRISONS AND IN GRAVES.


WỌ́N WÀ NÍBẸ̀: NÍNÚ ÀWỌN ỌGBÀ Ẹ̀WỌ̀N ÀTI IBOJÌ-ÒKÚ.


#SAVELGBTINRUSSIA HOMOPHOBIA=FASCISM


#SAVELGBTINRUSSIA Ẹ̀TANÚ ÌBÁLÒPỌ̀-LÁÀÁRÍN-AKỌ-ÀTI-AKỌ = ÌJỌBA AFIPÁMÚNI


In April 2017, Novaya Gazeta reported that the authorities of Chechnya, a troubled Muslim republic in the south of Russia ruled by a former warlord Ramzan Kadyrov, was waging a brutal campaign of repressions against its LGBT population.


Nínú oṣù Igbe 2017, Novaya Gazeta jábọ̀ pé àwọn aláṣẹ ní Chechnya, ti ìlú oníjọba Ìmọ́lẹ̀ tí ó ń rí ìdààmú jù ní gúúsù Russia tí ajagun fẹ̀yìntì Ramzan Kadyrov, ń ṣe olóríi rẹ̀, ń ṣe ìpolongo tí ó rorò tí ó ń tako ìtẹ̀mọ́lẹ̀ àwọn ènìyàn tí í ṣe LGBT tí ó ń gbé nínúu rẹ̀.


"Recent reports said the ""purge"" has been intensifying, with at least two victims dead and dozens held in illegal detention."


"Ìròyìn tí ó jáde ní àìpẹ́ sọ pé ""ìfọ̀mọ́ "" náà le gidi gan-an ni, pẹ̀lú ikú èèyàn méjì ó kéré tán àti ogunlọ́gọ̀ àwọn tí ó wà ní àtìmọ́lé tí ó lòdì sí òfin."


#FreeAmade: Journalist arrested and tortured after reporting on violence in northern Mozambique


#FreeAmade: Akọ̀ròyìn tí a mú tí a sì dá lóró lẹ́yìn tí ó kọ ìròyìn lórí ìwà jàgídí jàgan tí ó ń ṣẹlẹ̀ ní Àríwá Mozambique


Survivors who lost relatives and houses rest outside following the June 5 attack in the village of Naunde in Cabo Delgado, Mozambique.


Àwọn ẹni-orí-kó-yọ tí wọ́n pàdánù ẹbí àti ilé ń sinmi níta gbangba lẹ́yìn ìkọlù ọjọ́ 5 oṣù Òkúdù ní abúlé Naunde ní Cabo Delgado nílùú Mozambique.


Photo by Borges Nhamire, used with permission.


Àwòrán láti ọwọ́ Borges Nhamira pẹ̀lú àṣẹ ìlò.


Mozambican journalist Amade Abubacar was arrested on January 5, while reporting on a trend of violent attacks on small villages in Mozambique's province of Cabo Delgado.


Wọ́n mú akọ̀ròyìn Mozambique kan ní ọjọ́ 5 oṣù Ṣẹẹrẹ níbi tí ó ti ń jábọ̀ ìròyìn nípa ìkọlù tí ó ń dé bá àwọn abúlé kéréje ní ìgbèríko Cabo Delgado ní Mozambique.


Located in northern Mozambique, Cabo Delgado is rich with natural resources, such as ruby, charcoal and natural gas, found in the Rovuma Basin.


Cabo Delgado wà ní àríwá orílè-èdè Mozambique, ó kún fún àwọn ohun àlùmọ́nì bí i òkúta iyebíye, èédú àti afẹ́fẹ́ gáàsì tí wọ́n rí ní Rovuma, ilẹ tí omí yí ká.


Some observers say the group coordinating the attacks intends to begin trafficking these resources.


Àwọn olùkíyèsí sọ pé ẹgbẹ́ tí ó ń darí ìkọlù yìí ní i lọ́kàn láti máa jí àwọn ohun àlùmọ́nì yìí kó.


Since October 2017, multiple attacks have been carried out in different districts of Cabo Delgado by what appears to be the same rogue group.


Láti oṣù Ọ̀wàrà 2017, àìmọye ìkọlù ni ó ti wáyé ní oríṣiríṣìí ìgbèríko ní Cabo Delgado láti ọwọ́ àwọn ẹgbẹ́ jàndùkú kan náà.


Many media have reported on the attacks, but state officials have been unwilling to comment on or confirm evidence in these cases.


Ọ̀pọ̀lọpọ̀ àwọn iléeṣẹ́ ìròyìn ni wọ́n ti jábọ̀ lórí àwọn ìkọlù yìí ṣùgbọ́n kò tilẹ̀ wu àwọn ìjọba láti sọ̀rọ̀ lé e tàbí kí wọ́n fi ìdí àrídájú ẹ̀rí múlẹ̀ nínú àwọn ọ̀rọ̀ yìí.


In 2018, more than one hundred people were prosecuted together in relation to these crimes. Their trial is expected to end this year.


Ní 2018, èèyàn tó lé lọ́gọ́rùn-ún ni wọ́n bá ṣẹjọ́ lórí àwọn ọ̀ràn yìí. Ó yẹ kí ẹjọ́ọ wọn ó parí lọ́dún yìí.


#FreeAmade: campaign to release Mozambican journalist


#FreeAmade: Ìpolongo láti gba Akọ̀ròyìn Mozambique sílẹ̀


Amade Aoubacar works with the Mozambican Social Communication Institute and as a journalist with news site Zitamar and the local radio station, Nacedje.


Amade Abubacar ń ṣiṣẹ́ pẹ̀lú Mozambican Social Communication Institute, ó sì ń ṣiṣẹ́ gẹ́gẹ́ bí akọ̀ròyìn pẹ̀lú ibùdó ìròyìn orí ayélujára Zitamar àti iléeṣẹ́ ìgbóhùnsáfẹ́fẹ́ ìbílẹ̀ Nacedje.


The journalist was arrested and detained by Mozambican federal police on January 5, while photographing survivors of an attack in Cabo Delgado.


Àwọn ọlọ́pàá ìjọba àpapọ̀ Mozambique mú akọ̀ròyìn náà ní ọjọ́ 5 níbi tí ó ti ń ya àwòrán àwọn ẹni-orí-kó-yọ nínú ìkọlù kan ní Cabo Delgado, wọ́n sì tì í mọ́lé.


Amade was then taken to a military quarter of the Defense Forces of Mozambique in the district of Mueda, despite not being a member of the armed forces.


Lẹ́yìn náà, wọ́n mú Amade lọ sí ibùdó àwọn ológun Mozambique ní ìgbèríko Mueda láìjẹ́ ọmọ ẹgbẹ́ ológun.


After a few weeks, he was transferred to a civilian prison to legalize his detention in Pemba, capital of Cabo Delgado .


Lẹ́yìn ọ̀sẹ̀ díẹ̀, wọ́n gbé e lọ sí ẹ̀wọ̀n gbogboògbò láti mú kí àtìmọ́lé rẹ̀ bá òfin mu ní Pemba, olú ìlú Cabo Delgado.


After he arrived at the civilian prison, Amade contacted the Mozambican Order of Lawyers and reported having experienced torture at the hands of Mozambican armed forces, who he says beat him and deprived him of food.


Lẹ́yìn tí ó dé ẹ̀wọ̀n gbogboògbò, Amade pe ẹgbẹ́ àwọn agbẹjọ́rò Mozambique tí ó sì sọ bí ó ṣe ti jìyà tó lọ́wọ́ àwọn ológun Mozambique tí ó ní wọ́n na òun tí wọ́n sì fi ebi pa òun.


Many individuals and media freedom groups have spoken out in his Abubacar's defense, saying that his arrest and detention have threatened the exercise of free expression.


Ọ̀pọ̀lọpọ̀ èèyàn àti ẹgbẹ́ ajàfómìnira ti sọ̀rọ̀ síta láti gbèjà Abubacar tí wọ́n sọ pé mímú tí wọ́n mú un àti àtìmọ́lée rẹ̀ ti dẹ́rùba òmìnira ẹni láti sọ̀rọ̀.


The Media Institute of Southern Africa, which monitors media rights and activities in the region, spoke out strongly against Amade's detention:


Ìfilọ́lẹ̀ Agbéròyìn Sáfẹ́fẹ́ ti Gúúsù Ilẹ̀ Adúláwò, tí ó ń ṣe àbójútó ẹ̀tọ́ agbéròyìn sáfẹ́fẹ́ àti iṣẹ́ wọn ní agbègbè náà sọ̀rọ̀ tako àtìmọ́lé Amade:


Abubacar's prolonged detention by the military is a violation of his rights as well as his arrest under unconfirmed charges.


Títì tí àwọn ológun ti Abubacar mọ́lé jẹ́ ìpalára fún ẹ̀tọ́ rẹ pẹ̀lú mímú tí wọ́n mú un láìsí ìdí tí wọ́n fi ìdí ẹ múlẹ̀.


The Mozambican government is setting a bad precedent in the violation of free expression and access to information in the region.


Ìjọba Mozambique ti ń ṣe àfihàn ìṣáájú burúkú nípa ṣíṣe ìdíwọ́ ẹ̀tọ́ ẹni láti sọ̀rọ̀ àti rírí ọ̀nà gbọ́ ìròyìn ní agbègbè náà.


Amnesty International also released a statement:


Amnesty International náà sọ̀rọ̀:


Amade Abubacar is a respected journalist who was recording testimony from people who fled deadly attacks in Cabo Delgado when he was arrested by police.


Amade Abubacar Amade Abubacar jẹ́ gbajúgbajà akọ̀ròyìn tí ó ń gba ẹ̀rí sílẹ̀ lẹ́nu àwọn ẹni tí wọ́n bọ́ nínú ìkọlù ní Cabo Delgado nígbà tí àwọn ọlọ́pàá mú un.


This is the latest demonstration of contempt coming from Mozambican authorities and directed at freedom of expression and freedom of the press...[authorities] view journalists as a threat and [thus they] are treated as criminals.


Èyí jẹ́ àfihàn àìkàsí àwọn aláṣẹ Mozambique sí òmìnira láti sọ̀rọ̀ àti òmìnira àwọn oníròyìn... [àwọn aláṣẹ] rí akọ̀ròyìn gẹ́gẹ́ bí alátakò wọn [fún ìdí èyí] wọ́n ń ṣe wọ́n bí ọ̀daràn.


The campaign has also spread on Twitter, with the creation of hashtags like #FreeAmade to advocate for the liberation of Amade.


Ìpolongo náà ti tàn lórí Twitter, pẹ̀lú ìṣẹ̀dá àwọn àsopọ̀ ọ̀rọ̀ bí i #FreeAmade láti jà fún ìdásílẹ̀ Amade.


For the first time in Brazil's history, there is an indigenous woman in the National Congress


Fún ìgbà àkọ́kọ́ ní orílẹ̀-èdèe Brazil, ọmọ ìbílẹ̀ lóbìnrin di ọmọ ìgbìmọ̀ ìjọba


Joenia was the first indigenous woman to have a Law degree in Brazil.


Joenia ni ọmọ ìbílẹ̀ lóbìnrin àkọ́kọ́ tí ó kẹ́kọ̀ọ́ gboyè nínú ẹ̀kọ́ ìmọ̀ òfin ní Brazil.


Image: Screenshot of video by United Nations Web TV.


Àwòrán: Àwòrán tí wọ́n yà nínú fídíò kan láti ọwọ́ọ United Nations Web TV.


In 1997, Joenia Wapichana became the first indigenous woman in Brazil to obtain a law degree.


Ní ọdún-un 1997, Joenia Wapichana di obìnrin àkọ́kọ́ tí yóò gboyè nínú ẹ̀kọ́ ìmọ̀ òfin ní Brazil.


Eleven years later, she was the first indigenous person ever to defend a case in the Supreme Court.


Lẹ́yìn ọdún kọ́kànlá, òun ni ọmọ ìbílẹ̀ àkọ́kọ́ tí ó gbẹjọ́rò ní ilé-ẹjọ́ gíga jùlọ.


And in October 2018 Joenia earned yet another distinction, becoming the first indigenous woman elected to the National Congress.


Ní oṣù Ọ̀wàrà ọdún-un 2018, Joenia tún gbajúmọ̀ sí i nígbà tí ó di ọmọ ìbílẹ̀ lóbìnrin àkọ́kọ́ tí wọn yóò yàn sípò nínú ìgbìmọ̀ ìjọba.


Her 8,491 votes elected her to one of the eight seats destined to her home state, Roraima.


Ìbòo 8,491 tí wọ́n dì fún un ni wọ́n fi yàn án sípò kan nínúu mẹ́jọ tí ó tọ́ sí ìpínlẹ̀ Roraima tí ó ti wá.


The only time Brazil had an indigenous congressman was in 1986 - Mario Juruna, of Xavante ethnicity, was elected in 1983.


Ìgbà kan ṣoṣo tí Brazil ní ọmọ ìbílẹ̀ gẹ́gẹ́ bí ọkàn lára àwọn ìgbìmọ̀ ìjọba ni ọdún-un 1986 - Mario Juruna, tí ó wá láti ẹ̀yà Xavante, wọ́n yàn án sípò ní ọdún-un 1983.


Born in a Wapichana tribe, Joenia moved to Boa Vista, Roraima's state capital, when she was eight years old.


A bí Joana sínú ẹ̀yà Wapichana, ó lọ sí Boa Vista tí ó jẹ́ olú-ìlú Roraima nígbà tí ó wà ní ọmọ ọdún mẹ́jọ.


She juggled her law degree with a job at an accountant's office and, she said in a recent interview, graduated a year earlier than expected, fifth in her class, and amongst the children of Roraima's oligarchy.


Ó ń kọ́ ẹ̀kọ́ọ rẹ̀ nínú ìmọ̀ òfin bí ó ṣe ń ṣiṣẹ́ ní ọ́fíìsì àwọn oníṣirò kan, ó sì sọ ọ́ nínú ìfọ̀rọ̀wánilẹ́nuwò kan láìpẹ́, pé òun ṣetán ní ilé-ẹ̀kọ́ ní ọdún kan ṣáájú ìgbà tí ó yẹ kí òun ṣetán tí òun sì gbé ipò karùn-ún nínúu kíláàsìi rẹ̀ àti láàárín-in àwọn ọmọ ọlọ́lá ní Roraima.


"In December 2018, already as an elected congresswoman, Joenia won a UN human rights prize for her outstanding achievement in promoting indigenous peoples"" rights."


Ní oṣù Ọ̀pẹ ọdún-un 2018, gẹ́gẹ́ bí ọmọ ẹgbẹ́ ìgbìmọ̀ tí wọ́n dìbò yàn, Joenia gba àmì ẹ̀yẹ ìdánimọ̀ UN fún ìjàfẹ́tọ̀ọ́ ẹ̀dá lórí àṣeyọrí tí ó ṣe nínú ìpolongo ẹ̀tọ́ àwọn ọmọ ìbílẹ̀.


The same recognition has been given to Nelson Mandela and Malala.


Wọ́n ti fi àmì-ẹ̀yẹ ìdánimọ̀ yìí kan náà fún Nelson Mandela àti Malala rí.


Joenia Wapichana defending an indigenous cause at the Supreme Court.


Joenia Wapichana níbi tí ó ti ń gbè lẹ́yìn ọ̀rọ̀ ìbílẹ̀ kan ní ilé-ẹjọ́ gíga jùlọ.


Image: Screenshot of YouTube video/Brazil's Supreme Court.


Àwòrán: Àwòrán tí wọ́n yà nínú fídíò YouTube ilé-ẹjọ́ gíga jùlọ ti Brazil.


Joênia made history in 2008 when she argued a case brought by five indigenous groups to have their land officially demarcated as an Indigenous Territory, a type of tenure that confers indigenous peoples inalienable rights over their traditional homelands.


Joênia ṣe àfikún ìtàn ní ọdún-un 2008 nígbà tí ó gba ẹjọ́ ẹgbẹ́ ìbílẹ̀ márùn-ún kan rò, pé kí wọn ya ilẹ̀ẹ wọn sọ́tọ̀ gẹ́gẹ́ bí ilẹ̀ abínibí, irú òfin tí yóò fún àwọn abínibí ilẹ̀ náà ní ẹ̀tọ́ láti pàṣẹ lórí àwọn ilẹ̀ ìlúu wọn.


The court ruled in favor of the indigenous groups, who now are permanent possessors of the largest Indigenous Territory in Brazil - the lands of Raposa Terra do Sol, located in the state of Roraima.


Ilé ẹjọ́ dá ẹjọ́ tí ó gbè lẹ́yìn àwọn ẹgbẹ́ ìbílẹ̀ náà tí wọ́n ti wá di òǹnilẹ̀ kánrin-kése fún àwọn ilẹ̀ abínibí tí ó tóbi jù ní Brazil - ilẹ̀ẹ Raposa Terra do Sol, tí ó wà ní ìpínlẹ̀ Roraima.


Meanwhile, Jair Bolsonaro, still a congressman at that time, insulted an indigenous activist who had attended a public hearing at the Chamber of Deputies about the Raposa Terra do Sol demarcation.


Bẹ́ẹ̀, Jair Bolsonaro tí ó jẹ́ ọmọ ẹgbẹ́ ìgbìmọ̀ ní àkókò náà ti fi ìwọ̀sí lọ ajàfẹ́tọ̀ọ́ ìbílẹ̀ kan tí ó wá sí ibi gbígbọ́ ìdájọ́ nípa ìyàsọ́tọ̀ Raposa Terra do Sol ní ìyẹ̀wù àwọn igbá-kejì.


"""You should go outside and eat grass to keep with your origins,"" Bolsonaro said on the occasion."


"Bolsonaro sọ̀rọ̀ báyìí ní ọjọ́ náà pé ""ó yẹ kí o jáde síta láti lọ jẹ koríko pẹ̀lú àwọn alálẹ̀ẹ yín."""


Shortly after his electoral victory in 2018, Bolsonaro brought up Raposa Terra do Sol again as an example of an indigenous territory whose economic potential should be exploited.


Kò pẹ́ lẹ́yìn tí ó jáwé olúborí nínú ìdìbò 2018, Bolsonaro tún mú ọ̀rọ̀ Raposa Terra do Sol bọnu gẹ́gẹ́ bí àpẹẹrẹ agbègbè ìbílẹ̀ tí ó yẹ kí àwọn jẹ àǹfààní ètò ọrọ̀-ajée rẹ̀.


He told reporters:


Ó sọ fún àwọn akọ̀ròyìn pé:


It's the richest area in the world. You can exploit it in a rational manner.


Ó jẹ́ agbègbè kan tí ó lọ́rọ̀ jù ní àgbáyé. Èèyàn lè jẹ àǹfààní rẹ̀ lọ́nà tó mọ́gbọ́n dání.


"And, from the indigenous"" side, giving them royalties and integrating them to society."


Nípa ti àwọn ọmọ bíbí ibẹ̀, à á fún wọn ní ohun tí ó tọ́ sí wọn, à á sì dà wọ́n pọ̀ mọ́ àwùjọ.


Ten years ago, with red painting on her face, in the tradition of her ethnicity, Joenia mixed Portuguese and her native language to remind the Justices that around three million US dollars circulated within those lands every year without that counting towards the Brazil's economy.


Lọ́dún mẹ́wàá sẹ́yìn, pẹ̀lú ọ̀dà pupa lójúu rẹ̀, ní ìbámu pẹ̀lú àṣà ẹ̀yàa rẹ̀ ni Joenia lo èdè Portuguese àti ẹ̀ka-èdèe rẹ̀ láti rán àwọn adájọ́ létí pé bíi mílíọ̀nù dọ́là US lọ́nà mẹ́ta ni ó ń kárí àwọn ilẹ̀ wọ̀nyí láìsí pé wọ́n kópa nínú ètò ọrọ̀-ajée Brazil.


"""We are slandered and discriminated inside our own land,"" she said."


"Ó ní ""wọ́n ń sọ̀rọ̀ bà wá lórúkọ jẹ́, bẹ́ẹ̀ ni wọ́n ń ṣe ìyàtọ̀ọ̀tọ̀ ẹ̀yà pẹ̀lúu wa ní ilẹ̀ẹ wa."""


Image: The Institute for Inclusive Security, CC 2.0


Àwòrán: Àjọ tí ó ń rí sí ààbò gbogboògbò, CC 2.0


A formidable opponent


Alátakò tí kò ṣe é borí


While she prepared to take her congressional seat as an opponent of Bolsonaro's government, she told reporters at Folha de São Paulo, a national newspaper:


Bí ó ṣe ń gbaradì láti gba ìjókòó rẹ̀ nínú ìgbìmọ̀ ìjọba gẹ́gẹ́ bí alátakò fún ìjọba Bolsonaro, ó sọ fún àwọn akọ̀ròyìn Folha de São Paulo, tí ó jẹ́ ilé iṣẹ́ oníwèé ìròyìn tó gbajúgbajà ní orílẹ̀-èdè pé:


Why does he [Bolsonaro] persecute indigenous people so much?


Kí ló dé tí ó [Bolsonaro] ṣe ń ṣe inúnibíni sí àwọn ọmọ ìbílẹ̀ tó báyìí?


What is the reason for such hate and appetite for retreat?


Kí ni ìdí fún ìkórìíra àti òǹgbẹ fún ìṣubúu wa?


We have tourism, traditional medicine, a vast biodiversity in the Amazon.


A ní ètò ìrìnàjò ìgbafẹ́, òògùn ìbílẹ̀ àti àwọn ohun mèremère tí ó pín yẹ́lẹyẹ̀lẹ káàkiri ilẹ̀ẹ wa.


We need to change this belief that we are a hindrance to development, that we are hurting A or B.


A nílò láti ṣe àyípadà ìgbàgbọ́ pé à ń ṣe ìdíwọ́ fún ìdàgbàsókè tàbí pé à ń ṣe ìpalára fún ẹnikẹ́ni.


We must become protagonists ourselves as well.


Àwa náà ní láti di aṣíwájú fún ara wa.


Hitting the ground running


Ìfẹsẹ̀múlẹ̀ tí ó ń lọ


Brazil's Congress took office in February 2019 and Joênia began her term as the leader of her party, Rede Sustentabilidade (or Sustainability Network in Portuguese), in the Chamber of Deputies, the federal legislature's lower house.


Ìgbìmọ̀ Brazil gba ipò ní oṣù Èrèlé 2019, Joênia sì bẹ̀rẹ̀ sáà rẹ̀ gẹ́gẹ́ bí olùdarí ẹgbẹ́ òṣèlú rẹ̀, Rede Sustentabilidade (tí ó túmọ̀ sí Ẹgbẹ́ Alágbèéró lédè Portuguese) ní ìyẹ̀wù àwọn igbá-kejì ti ilé ìgbìmọ̀ aṣòfin kékeré.


Rede was founded by former Environment Minister Marina Silva, who despite losing three consecutive presidential elections is a household name in Brazil's environmental activism.


Olùṣàkóso fún ètò àyíká tẹ́lẹ̀ rí Marina Silva, tí orúkọ rẹ̀ gbajúmọ̀ nínú ìjàfẹ́tọ̀ọ́ agbègbè ni ó dá Rede sílẹ̀ pẹ̀lú bí ó ti ṣe fìdírẹmi tó nínú ètò ìdìbò ààrẹ lẹ́ẹ̀mẹ́ta léraléra.


"Following the dam disaster in Brumadinho, a tragedy that killed over 160 people and destroyed all life at the Paraopeba River, Joenia presented her first bill proposal, which renders environmental crimes that seriously affect ecosystems, human health, and lives, ""heinous crimes,"" a type of offense that incurs in more severe penalties."


"Lẹ́yìn àjálù ìdídò ní Brumadinho, tí ó pa àwọn èèyàn tí ó lé ní 160, tí ó sì mú ìbàjẹ́ bá gbogbo ayé tí ó wà ní odò Paraopeba, Joenia ṣe àgbékalẹ̀ àkọsílẹ̀ àbá òfin rẹ̀ àkọ́kọ́, tí ó ń ka àwọn ọ̀ràn tí ó ń ṣe ìpalára fún agbègbè àti ìlera pẹ̀lú ẹ̀mí àwọn èèyàn gẹ́gẹ́ bí ""ọ̀ràn ńlá"" tí ó ní ìjìyà tí ó pọ̀ nínú."


"A day before taking office, the congresswoman told Folha de Boa Vista, a local newspaper from her home state, that the bill addresses private corporations"" carelessness with the environment:"


Ní ó-ku-ọ̀la tí yóò gba ipò, arábìnrin inú ìgbìmọ̀ náà sọ fún Folha de Boa Vista, ilé-iṣẹ́ ìròyìn ìbílẹ̀ kan tí ó ti ìpínlẹ̀ẹ rẹ̀ wá pé àbá òfin náà ń dojúkọ ìwà àìbìkítà àwọn iléeṣẹ́ àdáni sí agbègbè:


We are concerned with the government's policies of weakening mechanisms that were created to protect a healthy environment, as foreseen in our Constitution, and the associated social impacts.


Ohun tí ó kàn wá ni ètò ìmúlò tí ìjọba fi ń ṣe àdínkù agbára àwọn àtòpọ̀ ẹ̀rọ tí a ṣẹ̀dá láti dáàbò bo àyíká tó ní ìlera, gẹ́gẹ́ bí a ti rí i nínú ìwé òfin àti àwọn ipa tí ó ń kó láwùjọ.


[Among those mechanisms], for instance, there is the environmental licensing process, [which helps curb] the lack of accountability by companies and the low power of control by the State.


Fún àpẹẹrẹ [lára àwọn àtòpọ̀ ẹ̀rọ yìí], a ní ètòo gbígba ìwé àṣẹ ní àwọn agbègbè yìí [tí ó ń bá wa dènà] àìlègbẹ̀rí àwọn iléeṣẹ́ jẹ́ àti àìtó agbára ìjọba láti kápáa wọn nínú ìpínlẹ̀ náà.


Speaking with the BBC, Joenia says her top priority in Congress will be the demarcation of indigenous lands:


Nínú ọ̀rọ̀ọ rẹ̀ pẹ̀lú BBC, Joenia sọ pé ohun tí ó ṣe pàtàkì sí òun jùlọ nínú ìgbìmọ̀ náà ni ìyàsọ́tọ̀ àwọn ilẹ̀ abínibí:


If on one hand you have half a dozen ruralists, on the other there is a whole population of minorities that see themselves represented by me in there.


Tí o bá ní èèyàn ńláńlá mẹ́fà ní ọwọ́ kan, tí ọwọ́ kejì sì ní àìmọye àwọn èèyàn tí wọn ò jámọ́ nǹkan tí wọ́n ń rí mi gẹ́gẹ́ bí aṣojú wọn níbẹ̀.


It's a group that needs representation. The old politics is made out of people who only think about individual gains. I will bring collective values.


Wọ́n jẹ́ ọ̀wọ́ àwọn tí ó nílò aṣojú. Ètò ìṣèlú àtẹ̀yìnwá wáyé nípasẹ̀ àwọn èèyàn tí wọ́n ń ro ohun tí ó máa jẹ́ èrèe tiwọn níbẹ̀, èmi máa mú iyì tí ó kárí wá.


Burundi: Scribble on the president's picture - go to jail


Burundi: Kọ Ìkọkúkọ sórí àwòrán Ààrẹ - kí o wẹ̀wọ̀n


Scribblers in solidarity


Àwọn oníkọkúkọ ní ìṣọ̀kan


President Jacob Zuma visits Burundi on February 25, 2016.


Ààrẹ Jacob Zuma bẹ Burundi wo ní 25, oṣù Èrèlé ọdún 2016.


Photo Credit: Government ZA. Flickr, CC licence.


Orísun àwòrán: ìjọba ZA. Flickr, àṣẹ CC.


Six students were detained on Tuesday, March 12, in Kirundo province in northeast Burundi for scribbling on pictures of President Pierre Nkurunziza in five textbooks.


Akẹ́kọ̀ọ́ mẹ́fà di ẹni àtìmọ́lé lọjọ́ Ìṣẹ́gun 12, oṣù Ẹrẹ́nà ní agbègbè Kirundo ní Àríwá Ìlà-oòrùn Burundi fún ẹ̀sùn-un kíkọ ìkọkúkọ sórí àwòrán Ààrẹ Pierre Nkurunziza nínú àwọn ìwé ìkọ́ni márùn-ún.


"The students were accused of ""insulting the head of state."""


"Wọ́n fi ẹ̀sùn ""títa àbùkù bá Ààrẹ orílẹ̀-èdè"" kan àwọn akẹ́kọ̀ọ́ náà."


The National Federation of Associations Engaged in Children's Welfare in Burundi (FENADEB) reported that another student, 13, had been immediately released because he was a minor under the age of 15.


Ẹgbẹ́ Àwọn Àjọ tí ó ń ṣe Àmójútó ìwàlálàáfíà Àwọn ọmọdé ní Burundi (FENADEB) jábọ̀ pé wọ́n ti fi akẹ́kọ̀ọ́ kan tí ó jẹ́ ọmọ ọdún mẹ́tàlá sílẹ̀ lẹ́sẹkẹsẹ̀ nítorí pé ó ṣì kéré, kò sì tí ì tó ọdún mẹ́ẹ̀dógún.


Three students were reportedly provisionally released on Friday, March 15, but, the remaining three were kept in custody.


Wọ́n jábọ̀ pé wọ́n ṣe ìdásílẹ̀ àwọn akẹ́kọ̀ọ́ mẹ́ta lọ́jọ́ Ẹtì, 15 oṣù Ẹrẹ́nà ṣùgbọ́n àwọn mẹ́ta yòókù ṣì wà ní àtìmọ́lé.


The girls, aged 15 to 17, if found guilty, risk up to five years in prison for insulting the president.


Àwọn ọmọ náà tí wọn kò ju ọmọ ọdún 15 sí 17 yóò ṣe ẹ̀wọ̀n ọdún márùn-ún bí wọ́n bá jẹ̀bi ẹ̀sùn ìtàbùkù bá Ààrẹ orílẹ̀-èdè.


Iwacu newspaper reported that families affected were deeply distressed.


Ìwé ìròyìn iwacu jábọ̀ pé àwọn ìdílé tí ọ̀rọ̀ náà kàn wà nínú ìdààmú gidi.


Scribbling [on the president's picture] is a punishable offense under the Burundian law, according to a Reuters report.


Ìkọkúkọ [lórí àwòrán Ààrẹ] jẹ́ ẹ̀ṣẹ̀ tí ó mú ìjìyà dání lábẹ́ òfin ilẹ̀ Burundi gẹ́gẹ́ bí àbọ̀ ìwádìí Reuters kán ṣe sọ.


"However, the age of the offenders may serve as a ""mitigating circumstance"" in these students"" trial."


Bí ó tilẹ̀ jẹ́ pé ọjọ́-orí àwọn ọ̀daràn náà lè jẹ́ ìdí fún ṣíṣe àdínkù ìjìyà ẹ̀sẹ̀ nínú ìgbẹ́jọ́ àwọn akẹ́kọ̀ọ́ yìí.


As a teacher anonymously noted, the textbooks had not been checked for several years and are often shared by students, so it is difficult to know who marked them.


Gẹ́gẹ́ bí olùkọ́ kan tí kò dárúkọ araa rẹ̀ ṣe sọ, wọn kò yẹ àwọn ìwé ìkọ́ni wọ̀nyí wò fún àìmọye ọdún, àwọn akẹ́kọ̀ọ́ sì máa ń pín in lò ni, fún ìdí èyí ó nira láti mọ ẹni tí ó kọ nǹkan sí i ní pàtó.


A similar episode occurred in 2016, following the controversy over the president's third term, where high school students scribbled on textbook pictures of Nkurunziza.


Ìṣẹ̀lẹ̀ tó fara jọ èyí ṣẹlẹ̀ ní 2016, lẹ́yìnin rògbòdìyàn sáà kẹ́ta Ààrẹ náà, nígbà tí àwọn akẹ́kọ̀ọ́ nílé ẹ̀kọ́ kọ ìkọkúkọ sórí àwòrán (Ààrẹ) Nkurunziza nínú ìwé ìkọ́ni.


Authorities took this as a serious insult and expelled hundreds of students from various schools across the country.


Àwọn aláṣẹ rí èyí gẹ́gẹ́ bí ìwọ̀sí gidi tí wọ́n sì lé ọgọọgọ̀rún akẹ́kọ̀ọ́ kúrò ní àwọn ilé ẹ̀kọ́ lóríṣìíríṣi káàkiri orílẹ̀-èdè náà.


"Eleven students were charged with ""insulting the head of state"" and ""threatening state security,"" although they were reportedly later cleared."


"Akẹ́kọ̀ọ́ mọ́kànlá ni wọ́n fẹ̀sùn ""ìtàbùkù bá adarí ìlú"" àti ""ìhàlẹ̀ mọ́ ààbò ìlú"" kàn, bí ó tilẹ̀ jẹ́ pé wọ́n padà dá wọn sílẹ̀."


These actions were highly criticized.


Wọ́n bu ẹnu àtẹ́ lu ìwà yìí gidigidi.


Zeid Ra'ad Al Hussein, United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, issued a statement on June 29, 2016:


Zeid Ra'ad Al Hussein, tí ó jẹ́ aṣàkóso fún ẹ̀ka ìjàfẹ́tọ̀ọ́ ènìyàn lábẹ́ United Nations gbé àkọsílẹ̀ kan jáde ní 29, oṣù Òkúdù 2016:


I am dismayed by continuing reports of the suspension and arrest of schoolchildren and students for having scribbled on pictures of the president in textbooks.


Ẹ̀rù ń bà mí pẹ̀lú àwọn ìròyìn tí mò ń gbọ́ nípa lílé tí wọ́n ń lé àwọn ọmọ ní ilé-ẹ̀kọ́ àti bí wọ́n ṣe ń tì wọ́n mọ́lé nítorí ìkọkúkọ tí wọ́n kọ sórí àwòrán Ààrẹ nínú àwọn ìwé ìkọ́ni.


"Nkurunziza, the ""eternal supreme guide"""


"Nkurunziza,"" Adarí ayérayé tó ga jù"""


Pierre Nkurunziza has been president of Burundi since 2005.


Pierre Nkurunziza ti jẹ ààrẹ ilẹ̀ Burundi láti ọdún 2005.


In 2015, he was controversially nominated by his party for a third term in office.


Ní ọdún 2015, àwọn ẹgbẹ́ òṣèlúu rẹ̀ tún gbé e sípò fún sáà kẹ́ta lórí oyè.


"In March last year, Nkurunziza was named ""eternal supreme guide"" by his political party, the National Council for the Defense of Democracy-Forces for the Defense of Democracy (CNDD-FDD)."


"Ní oṣù Ẹrẹ́nà ọdún tó kọjá, Nkurunziza gba orúkọ tuntun lọ́dọ̀ àwọn ẹgbẹ́ òṣèlúu rẹ̀, Àjọ Agbèjà Òmìnira Àwọn Ológun - Fún Ìgbéga Ìjọba Oníbò (CNDD-FDD), wọ́n pè é ní ""adarí ayérayé tó ga jù."""


Evariste Ndayishimiye, CNDD-FDD's secretary general explained why that title was conferred on Nkurunziza:


Akọ̀wé gbogboògbò fún CNDD-FDD, Evariste Ndayishimiye ṣàlàyé ìdí tí orúkọ náà ṣe di ti Nkurunziza:


He is our leader, therefore in our party, no one is comparable to him.


Olùdaríi wa ni, kò sí eni tí a lè fi wé e nínú ẹgbẹ́ẹ wa.


He is our parent, he is the one who advises us.


Òun ni òbíi wa, òun ni ó ń gbà wá nímọ̀ràn.


That is why I ask all our members to respect that because a home without the man (its head) can be overlooked by anybody.


Ìdí nìyí tí mo ṣe ní kí gbogbo ọmọ ẹgbẹ́ pọ́n ọn lé nítorí pé ojúkójú ni ẹnikẹ́ni lè fi wo ilé tí kò ní olórí.


For us, we have the best.


Ní tiwa, olórí tó dára jù ni a ní.


"While the CNDD-FDD downplayed the title, Nkurunziza's reinforced status as the ""eternal supreme guide"" has made it difficult for anyone to disagree with his choices, including his move to change the two-term limit enshrined in the country's constitution."


"Bí àwọn CNN-FDD ṣe gbé oyè náà ní yẹpẹrẹ tó ipò agbára Nkurunziza gẹ́gẹ́ bí ""adarí ayérayé tó ga jù"" ti jẹ́ kí ó nira fún ẹnikẹ́ni láti kọ ohunkóhun tí ó bá yàn láti ṣe, títí mọ́ ìgbésẹ̀ rẹ̀ láti ṣe àyípadà òfin sáà méjì fún ipò adarí tí ó wà nínú ìwé òfin orílẹ̀-èdè náà."


This reflects a centralization of power in the ruling party around Nkurunziza and supporters, and of the party's control of state institutions.


Èyí ń ṣe àfihàn àdálò tí ẹgbẹ́ òṣèlú tó wà lórí oyè ń dá agbára lò pẹ̀lú Nkurunziza àti àwọn alátìlẹyìn-in rẹ̀ pẹ̀lú bí ẹgbẹ́ òṣèlú náà ṣe ń darí àwọn ìdásílẹ̀ ìjọba.


Netizens have taken to scribbling on pictures of President Nkurunziza in protest through two hashtags: #Nkurunziza and #Burundi:


Àwọn ọmọ ìlú tí wọ́n ń ṣàmúlò ayélujára ti bẹ̀rẹ̀ ìkọkúkọ sórí àwòrán ààrẹ Nkurunziza nínú ìfẹ̀hónúhàn pẹ̀lú àmì ìdámọ̀: #Nkurunziza àti #Burundi:


Crackdown on criticism


Ìfòfinlíle mú àtakò


Burundi's government has become increasingly sensitive to criticism since 2015, after a failed coup, clashes with rebel groups, criticisms of rights abuses, sanctions, economic hardships and a refugee crisis.


Ìjọba Burundi ti bẹ̀rẹ̀ sí í fi ìkanra mú ìwà àtakò láti ọdún 2015, lẹ́yìn ìjákulẹ̀ ìṣọ̀tẹ̀ kan, ìdojúkọ pẹ̀lú àwọn ẹgbẹ́ adìtẹ̀ kan, àtakò lórí ìlòkulò ẹ̀tọ́, òfin kànńpá, ìnira pẹ̀lú ètò ọrọ̀-ajé àti rògbòdìyàn àwọn asásàálà.


Nkurunziza's third term bid was opposed by the European Union, and the United Nations, who demanded a restoration of stability before elections.


European Union pẹ̀lú United Nations tako ìgbésẹ̀ Nkurunziza fún sáà kẹ́ta, wọ́n sì béèrè fún ìdápadà ìlọdéédé kí àsìkò ìdìbò ó tó dé.


Faced with these challenges, a siege mentality hardened, and authorities clamped down more harshly on perceived threats.


"Pẹ̀lú àwọn ìdojúkọ wọ̀nyí, ""ipò náà"" le sí i, àti àwọn aláṣẹ sì ń fi ìkanra mú gbogbo ìhàlẹ̀ tí wọ́n ń rí."


The Human Rights Watch May 2018 special report discovered that Burundian state security forces, intelligence services, and members of the ruling party's youth league, the Imbonerakure, carried out brutal, targeted attacks on opponents or suspected opponents, human rights activists, and journalists.


Ìjábọ̀ pàtàkì ti àjọ ajàfẹ́tọ̀ọ́ ènìyàn ṣe ní oṣù Èbìbí 2018 rí i pé àwọn èṣọ́ aláàbò ní Burundi, àwọn afòyeṣiṣẹ́ àti àwọn ọmọ ẹgbẹ́ òṣèlú tí ó wà nípò, àwọn ẹgbẹ́ Imbone... ń kọlu àwọn alátakò àti àwọn ẹni tí wọ́n fura sí gẹ́gẹ́ bí alátakò pẹ̀lú ajàfẹ́tọ̀ọ́ ènìyàn àti akọ̀ròyìn.


"""Killing an estimated 1,700 people and forcibly disappearing, raping, torturing, beating, arbitrarily detaining, and intimidating countless others."""


"""Wọ́n pa èèyàn tó tó 1700, bẹ́ẹ̀ ni wọ́n sì ń fi ipá lé àwọn ẹlòmíìn, wọ́n ń fi ipá bá wọn ní ìbálòpọ̀, wọ́n ń fi ìyà jẹ wọ́n, wọ́n ń tì wọ́n mọ́lé, bẹ́ẹ̀ ni wọ́n sì ń dẹ́rùba àìmọye àwọn mìíràn."""


This has led to a refugee crisis that has seen Burundians fleeing particularly to Tanzania, Rwanda, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Uganda.


Èyí ti dá wàhálà ìsásàálà sílẹ̀, a ti rí àwọn ará Burundi tí wọ́n sá lọ sí Tanzania, Rwanda, Congo àti Uganda.


While thousands have returned, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees recorded over 347,000 total Burundian refugees in February 2019 UNHCR asserts:


Bí ó tilẹ̀ jẹ́ pé ẹgbẹẹgbẹ̀rún ti padà sílé, alákòóso United Nations fún ìsásàálà ti ṣe àkọsílẹ̀ àwọn asásàálà tí ó wá láti Burundi tí wọ́n lé ní 347,000 ní oṣù Èrèlé 2019, UNHCR fìdí ẹ̀ múlẹ̀:


...Political unrest in Burundi took a deadly turn in 2015 after the president announced plans to seek a third term.


...Làásìgbò nínú òṣèlú Burundi le sí i ní ọdún 2015 lẹ́yìn tí ààrẹ́ kéde èròńgbàa rẹ̀ láti lọ fún sáà kẹ́ta.


"Street protests led to violent clashes, and hundreds of thousands fled to nearby countries in search of safety."""


"Ìfẹ̀hónúhàn àwọn èèyàn láti tako èròńgbà fa ìkọlura, ọgọọgọ̀rún àwọn èèyàn sì sá lọ sí àwọn orílẹ̀-èdè ìtòsí láti fi oríi wọn pamọ."""


Earlier this month, Burundi closed the United Nations human rights office after 23 years, saying it was no longer needed.


Ní ìbẹ̀rẹ̀ oṣù yìí, ìjọba Burundi ti ọ́fíìsì ẹ̀ka àwọn ajàfẹ́tọ̀ọ́ ènìyàn lábẹ́ United Nations tí wọ́n sì sọ pé àwọn kò nílòo wọn mọ́.


"The government was incensed with former United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, Zeid Ra'ad Al Hussein, who described Nkurunziza's Burundi as one of the ""most prolific slaughterhouses of humans in recent times"" in February 2018."


"Ìjọba náà ń bínú sí alákòóso tẹ́lẹ̀-rí ẹ̀ka náà, Zeid Ra'ad Al Hussein tí ó ṣàpèjúwe Nkurunziza ti Burundi gẹ́gẹ́ bí ọkàn lára ""àwọn apanilẹ́kúnjayé ènìyàn tí ó ń gbèrú sí i láìpẹ́ yìí"" ní oṣù Èrèlé 2018."


Media outlet closures, harassment of opponents, and clampdowns on NGOs and restrictions in political space for alternative narratives and arguments.


Àtìpa àwọn Ilé-iṣẹ́ Akọ̀ròyìn, ìyọlẹ́nu àwọn alátakò, ìfòfinlílẹ̀ mú àwọn ìdásílẹ̀ tí kì í ṣe ti ìjọba (NGOs) àti ìdiwọ́ fún àwọn mìíràn láti sọ̀rọ̀ tàbí ṣe àfihàn ara wọn ní ààyè òṣèlú.


For example, rights activist Germain Rukiki who documented acts of torture committed by Nkurunziza's regime was sentenced to 32 years in jail in 2018 for participation in an insurrectional movement, undermining state security and rebellion.


Fún àpẹẹrẹ, wọ́n dájọ́ ẹ̀wọ̀n ọdún méjìlélọ́gbọ̀n fún ajàfẹ́tọ̀ọ́ ènìyàn Germain Rukiki fún ìdarapọ̀ mọ́ ìgbìyànjú ìrúlùú, jíjin ètò ààbò ìlú lẹ́sẹ̀, àti ìṣọ̀tẹ̀ ní 2018 nítorí pé ó ṣe àkọsílẹ̀ àwọn ọ̀nà tí ìjọba Nkurunziza ń gbà fìyà jẹni.


Rukiki's trial was also marred by irregularities and came weeks before the controversial constitutional referendum.


Àwọn àìṣedede kan dá ìgbẹ́jọ́ Rukiki dúró, ó sì wáyé ní ọ̀sẹ̀ mélòó kan ṣáájú àríyànjiyàn ìdìbò abófinmu náà.


"The ""scribbling affair"" is also indicative of the government's increasingly conservative, moralizing approach, including mandatory marriages for cohabiting non-married couples in 2017, clampdowns on prostitution and begging."


"""Ọ̀rọ̀ ìkọkúkọ"" náà ń ṣe àfihàn ìdúróṣánṣán ìjọba náà tí kò yẹ̀ àti ọ̀nà tí wọ́n ń gbà ṣe ẹ̀tọ́ọ wọn, títí mọ́ ṣíṣe ìgbéyàwó kànńpá fún àwọn tọkọtaya tí wọ́n ń gbépọ̀ láìṣe ìgbéyàwó ní 2017, ìfòfinlíle mú òwòo panṣágà àti agbe ṣíṣe."


CEO of carpooling service disinvited from interview on Russian state media after producer found out she was a woman


Wọ́n fagi lé ìfìwépè Adarí iléeṣẹ́ tó ń ṣètò Ìṣàjò-papọ̀-wa-ọkọ̀-kí-n-wa-ọkọ̀ sí iléeṣẹ́ tẹlifíṣàn Russia lẹ́yìn tí olóòtú ètò rí i pé obìnrin ni


"The channel said their audience had ""certain stereotypes"""


"Àwọn elétò náà sọ pé ó ""nírú ẹ̀yà"" tí àwọn olugbọ́ àwọn ń fẹ́."


Cardboard cutout of CEO Irina Reyder's photograph in BlaBlaCar's Russian office. Photo Irina Reyder's Facebook page


Àgékúrò àwòrán adarí iléeṣẹ́ náà, Irina Reyder ní ọ́fíìsì iléeṣẹ́ BlaBlaCar ti Russia. Àwòrán láti orí Ojú ewé. Facebook


Irina Reyder, the CEO of the Russian affiliate of carpooling service BlaBlaCar, says she was disinvited from an interview with state-owned Channel One when the program's editor realized she was a woman.


Irina Reyder tí ó jẹ́ adarí iléeṣẹ́ BlaBlaCar ní Russia ní wọ́n fagi lé ìfìwépè òun sí ìfọ̀rọ̀wọ́rọ̀ kan pẹ̀lú iléeṣẹ́ amóhùnmáwòrán-an ti ìjọba, Channel One lẹ́yìn tí olóòtú náà rí i pé obìnrin ni òun.


Reyder wrote on her Facebook page about the incident. She says she was listening in on the call between Channel One's producer and BlaBlaCar's PR officer and recorded the exchange between them:


Reyder kọ nípa ìṣẹ̀lẹ̀ náà sójú ìwé Facebook rẹ̀. Ó ní òun gbọ́ ọ̀rọ̀ inú ìpè olóòtú ètò náà pẹ̀lú aṣojú ilé iṣẹ́ BlaBlaCar fún ìbánisọ̀rọ̀ pẹ̀lú àwùjọ tí òun sì gba ohùn-un wọn sílẹ̀:


E (an editor for Good Morning show): Here's the format: our reporter is driving a car while interviewing your expert.


"E (Olóòtú ètò ""Ojúmọ́ Ire""): Báyìí ni a ṣe gbèrò láti ṣe é; akọ̀ròyìn-in wa á máa wa ọkọ̀ bí yóò ṣe máa fi ọ̀rọ̀ wá ọ̀rọ̀ lẹ́nu alámọ̀dájúu yín."


PR (PR officer for BlaBlaCar): Yes, great.


PR (Aṣojú iléeṣẹ́ BlaBlaCar fún ìbánisọ̀rọ̀ pẹ̀lú àwùjọ): Bẹ́ẹ̀ ni, Ìyẹn dára


E: And who will be the expert?


E: Ta ni yóò wá jẹ́ alámọ̀dájú náà?


PR: Our CEO Irina Reyder.


PR: Adarí iléeṣẹ́ wa ni, Irina Reyder


E: Oh... you had a great guy once, didn't you?


E: Ẹ̀n... Ẹ ti fìgbà kan ní ọkùnrin tó dára ní ipò náà, àbí bẹ́ẹ̀ kọ́?


PR: Yes, we had Alexey Lazorenko as CEO, now it's Irina Reyder.


PR: Bẹ́ẹ̀ ni, a ti ní Alexey Lazorenko gẹ́gẹ́ bí Adarí, Irina Reyder ni nísẹ̀yín.


E: Yes, I know about the changes in your leadership last year.


E: Bẹ́ẹ̀ ni, mo mọ̀ nípa àyípadà tí ó wáyé nínú ìdarí iléeṣẹ́ yín lọ́dún tó kọjá.


But Irina won't work as an expert.


Ṣùgbọ́n Irina kò ní le è wúlò gẹ́gẹ́ bí alámọ̀dájú.


You see, our audience has certain stereotypes...


Ó nírú ẹni tí àwọn olùgbọ́ọ wa máa ń nífẹ̀ẹ́ sí.


You know, like when there's a good lawyer.


Fún àpẹẹrẹ, tí a bá ní agbẹjọ́rò gidi kan.


It's usually a man.


Ó ń láti jẹ́ ọkùnrin.


Or someone who knows a lot about cars - a man, but not a woman.


Tàbí ẹni tí ó mọ̀ nípa ọkọ̀ lọ́pọ̀lọpọ̀ - ọkùnrin ni, kó má jẹ̀ ẹ́ obìnrin.


Maybe you, Sergey, can give us an interview?


Bóyá kí ìwọ Sergey ó ṣe ìfọ̀rọ̀wọ́rọ̀ náà?


When Reyder's PR officer Sergey told the editor that there weren't any male experts in the company, she says, the latter promised to come back later after consulting with their producer.


Lẹ́yìn tí aṣojú iléeṣẹ́ náà fún ìbánisọ̀rọ̀ pẹ̀lú àwùjọ, Sergey sọ fún olóòtú ètò náà pé kò sí alámọ̀dájú ọkùnrin kankan ní iléeṣẹ́ naa, ó ní olóòtú ètò náà ṣe ìlérí láti padà wá lẹ́yìn tí ó bá ti bá olóòtú àgbà ètòo wọn sọ ọ́.


On a call later, they told BlaBlaCar's representative that the story's format had changed and they would be interviewing the service's users instead.


Nínú ìpè kan lẹ́yìn ìgbà náà, wọ́n sọ fún aṣojú iléeṣẹ́ BlaBlaCar pé ètò náà ti yí padà, pé àwọn á máa ṣe ìfọ̀rọ̀wọ́rọ̀ pẹ̀lú àwọn oníbàáràa wọn dípò wọn.


"""What do you think?"


"""Kí lẹ rò?"


Will the new experts be expertly enough?


Ṣé àwọn alámọ̀dájú tuntun yìí á mọ̀ dájú dánu?


Reyder asked her followers sarcastically.


Reyder ń béèrè ìbéèrè ìkẹ́gàn náà lọ́wọ́ àwọn èèyàn-an rẹ̀.


In a comment to TJournal, a tech and social media news outlet.


Nínú èsì kan sí TJournal, tí ó jẹ́ iléeṣẹ́ onímọ̀-ẹ̀rọ àti ìròyìn ẹ̀rọ alátagbà àti orí ayélujára.


Channel One's own press office didn't deny the veracity of the exchange, but insisted the approach was not sexist in nature.


Ẹ̀ka ìròyìn Channel One ò fi òtítọ́ ìtàkùrọ̀sọ yìí pamọ́, ṣùgbọ́n wọ́n tẹnu mọ́ ọn pé ọ̀rọ̀ náà kò ṣègbè lẹ́yìn akọ.


However, their explanation didn't offer solid support to that claim:


Bí ó tilẹ̀ jẹ́ pé àlàyé wọn kò fìdí èyí múlẹ̀ tó:


Two reporters, a young man and a woman, intend to demonstrate the difference between male and female approach to savings.


Akọ̀ròyìn méjì, ọkùnrin àti obìnrin kan ń gbèrò láti ṣàfihàn ìyàtọ̀ tí ó wà nínúu bí ọkùnrin àti obìnrin ṣe ń hùwà sí ìfowópamọ́.


The young woman reporter will be interviewing male experts, while the young man will be interviewing women.


Akọ̀ròyìn lóbìnrin á ní láti fọ̀rọ̀wọ́rọ̀ pẹ̀lú alámọ̀dájú ọkùnrin kan nígbà tí Akọ̀ròyìn lọ́kùnrin á ní ìfọ̀rọ̀wọ́rọ̀ pẹ̀lú àwọn obìnrin.


Because the woman reporter's goal is to save on car rides, she will be speaking to a representative of a carpooling service (yes, because of the show's structure, not gender inequality, that has to be a man.)


Nítorí pé èròńgbà Akọ̀ròyìn obìnrin yẹn ni láti wo bí wọ́n ṣe ń tọ́jú owó bí wọ́n bá gbé ọkọ̀, a nílò láti bá aṣojú iléeṣẹ́ tó ń ṣètò ìrìnnà-papọ̀-wa-ọkọ̀-kí-n-wa-ọkọ̀ kan sọ̀rọ̀ (bẹ́ẹ̀ ni, nítorí àlàkalẹ̀ ètò náà ni, kì í ṣe nítorí àìfẹ́dọ̀ọ́gba akọ àtabo, ó ní láti jẹ́ ọkùnrin).


How a woman's approach to savings is different from that of a man, Channel One didn't elaborate.


Channel One ò sọ bí ìyàtọ̀ ṣe wà láàárín bí ọkùnrin àti obìnrin ṣe ń ronú sí ìfowópamọ́.


But the public wasn't convinced either way, and the TV network's approach was met with criticism.


Ṣùgbọ́n ọ̀rọ̀ náà kò yí àwọn èèyàn lọ́kàn padà, wọ́n sì ń sọ̀rọ̀ tako ìhùwàsí iléeṣẹ́ tẹlifíṣàn yìí.


BlaBlaCar's CEO Irina Reyder said she was disinvited from the Good Morning show on Channel One by the editor when they found out she was a woman.


Adarí iléeṣẹ́ BlaBlaCar, Irina Reyder sọ pé wọ́n fagi lé ìfìwépè òun wá sórí ètò Ojúmọ́ Ire lórí Channel One lẹ́yìn tí olóòtú rí i pé obìnrin ni òún jẹ́.


It's quite surprising that there are still aspects to Channel One's madness we haven't known about.


Ó yani lẹ́nu pé àwọn ohun kan ṣì wà nínú ìyírí àwọn Channel One tí a kò mọ̀.


Despite the significant backlash that Channel One faced online, Russia still has a long way to go in terms of gender equality.


Pẹ̀lú ọ̀rọ̀ burúkú tí Channel One gbọ́ lórí ayélujára, Russia sì ní iṣẹ́ ńlá láti ṣe lórí ọ̀rọ̀ ìbádọ́gbà akọ àti abo.


Russia ranks 75th among 149 countries surveyed by the World Economic Forum's 2018 Global Gender Gap Report, scoring good points for equal access to healthcare and education for women, but lacking in legislation protecting their rights.


Russia wà ní ipò 75 nínú àwọn orílẹ̀-èdè 149 tí Àjọ tó-ń-ṣètò-ọrọ̀-Ajé Lágbàáyé ṣàyẹ̀wò fún lọ́dún 2018 nínú Ìjábọ̀ Àlàfo tó wà láàárín Akọ àti Abo Lágbàáyé, ó ń ṣe dáadáa ní ti ìbádọ́gbà nínú rírí ètò ìlera àti ètò ẹ̀kọ́ lò fún àwọn obìnrin, ṣùgbọ́n wọ́n ń fà sẹ́yìn nínú ètò ìṣòfin láti jà fún ẹ̀tọ́ọ wọn.


Russian feminists and their supporters often use social media and satire to shine a light on sexist customs and practices.


Àwọn ajàfẹ́tọ̀ọ́ abo ní Russia máa ń sábàá lo gbàgede ẹ̀rọ alátagbà àti ẹ̀fẹ̀ láti tan ìmọ́lẹ̀ sí ìhùwàsí àti ìṣe àwọn tí ó ń ṣègbè lẹ́yìn ẹ̀yà ènìyàn kan.


China's campaign against Christmas makes celebrating a difficult choice for citizens


Ìpolongo ìtakò Kérésìmesì ìlú China mú yíyan àjọyọ̀ le fún ọmọ-ìlú


"Written on the classroom boards: ""Act and reject Western festival"" and ""Promote traditional culture, reject Western festival."""


"Ohun tí a kọ sí ojú pátákó: ""Gbé Ìgbésẹ̀ kí o sì kọ àjọ̀dún Òyìnbó"" àti ""Ṣe ìgbélárugẹ àṣà ìbílẹ̀, kọ àjọ̀dún Òyìnbó."""


Images from Weibo.


Àwòrán láti Weibo.


Christmas is approaching but instead of feeling joyful, many in mainland China have expressed frustration over China's ideological campaign against Christmas as a Western festival.


Kérésìmesì ń sún mọ́ dẹ̀dẹ̀ ṣùgbọ́n kàkà kí inú àwọn tí ó ń gbé ní orí-ilẹ̀ ìlú China ò dùn, ọ̀pọ́ ti fi ẹ̀hónú-u wọn hàn lórí ìpolongo tí ó tako ayẹyẹ Kérésìmesì tí ó kà á sí àjọ̀dún Òyìnbó.


"In 2017, the Communist Party of China's central committee and state council issued an official document entitled ""Suggestions on the implementation of projects to promote and develop traditional Chinese culture excellence."""


"Ní ọdún 2017, ìgbìmọ̀ àgbà àti àjọ ìpínlẹ̀ lábẹ́ ẹgbẹ́ olóṣèlú Communist ìlú China kọ ìwé àṣẹ kan tí a pe àkọlée rẹ̀ ní ""Ìmọ̀ràn lórí imúdiṣíṣẹ iṣẹ́ ìgbélárugẹ àti ìdàgbà àṣà ìbílẹ̀ China dé ibi gíga."""


They outlined a cultural revival project that lists Chinese festivals like the Lunar New Year and the Lantern Festival, among others, as cultural conventions worthy of celebration.


Wọ́n la àwọn àkànṣe iṣẹ́ ìsọjí àṣà bíi Ọdún Òṣùpá Tuntun àti Àjọ̀dún Àtùpà sílẹ̀, láì pa ìyìókù tì, gẹ́gẹ́ bí ìpàgọ́ tí ó jẹ mọ́ ti àṣà tí ó lákaakì.


To implement this policy, Chinese authorities have launched a series of ideological campaigns to crack down on non-Chinese celebrations.


Kí òfin yìí lè di àmúṣẹ, ìjọba China ti ṣe ìfilọ́lẹ̀ àwọn ètò ìpolongo kéékèèké mélòó kan fún ìkọ̀yìn sí àwọn ayẹyẹ tí kì í ṣe ti ìbílẹ̀ China.


This year, just before Christmas, authorities in some cities such as Langfang, in Hebei province, have demanded shops to remove Christmas decorations on the streets and in window displays.


Ọdún nìín, ọjọ́ díẹ̀ sí Kérésìmesì, ìjọba ní àwọn ìlú ńlá bíi Langfang, ní agbègbèe Hebei, ti pa á ní àṣẹ fún ìsọ̀ gbogbo láti yọ ẹ̀ṣọ́ ọdún Kérésìmesì kúrò lójú títí àti fèrèsé.


Anti-Western festival commentaries have flooded Chinese social media, making Christmas celebrations a difficult choice for some who feel they must keep their joy a secret.


Ọ̀rọ̀ àlùfànṣá tí ó dá lórí ìtako àjọ̀dún Òyìnbó ti gba ẹ̀rọ-alátagbà ìlú China kan, èyí mú kí yíyan ayẹyẹ Kérésìmesì láàyò le koko fún àwọn tí ó rò wípé ní ìkọ̀kọ̀ ni ayọ̀ àwọn gbọdọ̀ wà.


Weibo user Long Zhigao screen captured his WeChat newsfeed on Weibo to reveal aspects of the debate.


Ònlo Weibo Long Zhigao ya àwòrán ìròyìn orí WeChat ti rẹ̀ ní orí Weibo ní ìfihàn àríyànjiyàn.


The headlines on the feed are


Kókó ìròyìn àkọ́kọ́


1. Western festival is approaching.


1. Àjọ̀dún Òyìnbó ń bọ̀ lọ́nà dẹ̀dẹ̀.


To celebrate or not, that's the question.


Kí a ṣe àjọyọ̀ àbí kí á máà ṣe é, ìbéèrè yen ni ìyẹn.


2. I am Chinese and I don't celebrate Western festivals.


2. Ọmọ China ni mí n kò sì kí ń ṣe àjọyọ̀ Òyìnbó.


3. Say no to the celebration of Western festivals on the school campus.


3. Sọ pé rárá fún ìṣàjọyọ̀ àjọ̀dún Òyìnbó nínú ọgbà ilé-ìwé.


4. The party-state has banned Western festivals.


4. Ẹgbẹ́ òṣèlú-ìpínlẹ̀ ti kọ ẹ̀yìn sí àjọ̀dún Òyìnbó.


The celebration of festivals is now a political issue.


Àjọyọ̀ àjọ̀dún ti wá di ọ̀rọ̀ ìṣèlú.


In addition to Christmas, the list of Western festivals also includes Valentine's Day, Easter and Halloween, among others.


Láfikún-un Kérésìmesì, àkàsílẹ̀ àwọn àjọ̀dún Òyìnbó kò yọ Àyájọ́ Ọjọ́ Olólùfẹ́, Àjíǹde àti Halowíìnì, àti bẹ́ẹ̀ bẹ́ẹ̀ lọ sí ẹ̀yìn.


"A majority of the commentaries define Western festivals as ""cultural invasion"" or ""national humiliation."""


"Ọ̀pọ̀lọpọ̀ ènìyàn ni ó ka àjọ̀dún sí ""ìgbógunti àṣà"" tàbí ""ìrẹ̀sílẹ̀ ìlú."""


For example, a widely circulated one said:


Fún àpẹẹrẹ, ọ̀kan tí ó ràn ká bí ìgbà tí iná bá ń jó pápá inú ọyẹ́ sọ wípé:


"If people of a nation are too enthusiastic in celebrating other nations"" festivals, it indicates that the country is suffered from extremely serious cultural invasion."


Bí àwọn ènìyàn ìlú kan bá mú àjọyọ̀ àjọ̀dún ìlú mìíràn ní òkúnkúndùn ju bí ó ṣe yẹ, èyí fi hàn wípé orílẹ̀-èdè náà ń jẹ ìyà ìgbógunti àṣà.


If party members and government officials are not aware of this, it means that they are not politically sensitive and have lost their progressiveness.


Bí ẹlẹ́gbẹ́ olóṣèlú kò bá mọ èyí, a jẹ́ wípé wọn kò ní ìkọbiarasí ìṣèlú wọ́n sì ti pàdánù ìlọsíwájúu wọn.


The commentary references the history of the Eight-Nation Alliance, a coalition formed in response to the Boxer Rebellion in China between 1899 and 1901 when Chinese peasants rose up against foreign, colonial, Christian rule and culture.


Awuyewuye náà tọ́ka sí ìṣẹ̀lẹ̀-àtẹ̀yìnwá Eight-Nation Alliance, ẹgbẹ́ ìṣọ̀kan tí a dá ní ìdáhùnsí Tẹ̀mbẹ̀lẹ̀kun Akànṣẹ́ ní China láàárín-in ọdún 1899 àti 1901 nígbàtí àwọn àgbẹ̀ rokoroko fi ẹ̀hónú hàn sí ìjọba amúnisìn, ètò ìṣèlú ní ìlànà Krìstẹ́nì àti àṣà.


It further argues that the birthday of Mao Zedong, the founding father of the People's Republic of China, should be treated as China's Christmas:


Síwájú sí i, ó ní wípé ọjọ́ ìbíi Mao Zedong, bàbá ìsàlẹ̀ Ìlú-tí-kò-fi-ọba-jẹ ti Èèyàn-an China, ni ó yẹ kí a kà sí Kérésìmesì ìlú China:


The first Chairman of the Republic of China Mao Zedong had saved people from misery.


Alága àkọ́kọ́ Ìlú-tí-kò-fi-ọba-jẹ ti China Mao Zedong ti yọ àwọn ènìyàn nínú ìṣòro.


We should make his birthday Chinese Christmas.


A gbọdọ̀ sọ ọjọ́ ìbíi rẹ̀ di Kérésìmesì China.


Act and reject Western festivals.


Gbé ìgbésẹ̀ kí o kọ àjọ̀dún Òyìnbó.


But many on Weibo found these arguments illogical.


Àmọ́ àwọn ènìyàn kan lórí Weibo kò rí ọ̀rọ̀ ọlọgbọ́n kankan nínú àríyànjiyàn wọ̀nyí.


One commentator said:


Ẹnìkan sọ pé:


When Westerners celebrate the Chinese Lunar New Year, Chinese people are so proud and see the phenomena as the revival of Chinese traditional culture...


Bí àwọn Òyìnbó bá ń ṣe àjọyọ̀ Ọdún Òṣùpá Tuntun, àwọn aráa China á gbéraga wọ́n á sì rí èyí gẹ́gẹ́ bí ìdàgbà ìsọjí àṣà ìbílẹ̀ China...


When Chinese people celebrate Western festivals, what's the point of labeling them as culture invasion?


Bí àwọn aráa China bá ṣe àjọyọ̀ àjọ̀dún Òyìnbó, kí ni ìdí tí a fi kà wọ́n sí ìgbógunti àṣà?


Young people celebrate Western festivals for fun and joy.


Àwọn ọ̀dọ́ máa ń ṣe àjọyọ̀ àjọ̀dún Òyìnbó nítorí àríyá àti fún ayọ̀.


The festivals can boost consumption, what's wrong with that?


Àwọn àjọ̀dún wọ̀nyí lè mú ìkóúnjẹjẹ gbòòrò, kí ni ó burú nínú ìyẹn?


Some people try to draw connection between celebrating Christmas and the national humiliation that happened 160 years ago.


Àwọn kan gbèrò wọ́n fẹ́ gbé àjọyọ̀ Kérésìmesì fi ẹ̀gbẹ́ kan ẹ̀gbẹ́ pẹ̀lú ìrẹ̀sílẹ̀ ìlú tí ó wáyé ní ọgọ́jọ ọdún sẹ́yìn.


Fún kí ni?


Social pressure, self-censorship


Ẹgbẹ́kíkó, ìkóraẹni-níjàánu


The flood of anti-Christmas comments on social media has generated pressure for some social media users to self-censor.


Àgbàrá òdì ọ̀rọ̀ sí Kérésìmesì ti ṣàn gba orí ẹ̀rọ-alátagbà ó sì ti mú kí àwọn òǹlò kan ó kó ara wọn ní ìjánu.


A Weibo user expressed frustration:


Ònlo Weibo kan fi ẹ̀hónú hàn:


Christmas is approaching.


Kérésìmesì ń bọ̀ lọ́nà dẹ̀dẹ̀.


In my friend circle, anti-Western festival camps and anti-anti Western festival camps are debating.


Ní agbo ọ̀rẹ́ẹ wa, àgọ́ alòdìsí àjọ̀dún Òyìnbó àti alòdìsí alòdìsí àjọ̀dún Òyìnbó ń ṣe àríyànjiyàn.


"Whether one likes to celebrate or not is none of others"" business, why do people just have to force others to agree with their view?"


Kò kan ẹnikéni bóyá èèyàn féràn àjọyọ̀ tàbí kò fẹ́, kí ni ó dé tí àwọn ènìyàn ṣe fẹ́ràn láti máa fi túláàsì mú ẹlòmíràn gba èròńgbà ti wọn?


Everyone standing on one side is too crowded.


Ojú kan tí gbogbo ènìyàn dúró sí ti kún.


For those of us who are in the middle, in order to create a balance, we have to stand on the other side.


Fún àwa tí a wà láàárín, kí a ba mú un dọ́gba, a ní láti dúró sí ẹ̀gbẹ́ kejì.


School notice against the celebration of Western festivals on campus.


Ìkìlọ̀ lórí ìtako àjọ̀dún Òyìnbó ní inú ọgbà ilé-ìwé.


Pressure goes beyond social media platforms, extending to institutions such as schools and corporations.


Awuyewuye ti kọjáa ti gbàgede orí ẹ̀rọ-alátagbà, ó kàn dé ilé-ìwé àti àjọ ìlú.


Some Weibo users have shared school notices that were distributed to students.


Àwọn òǹlo Weibo kan ti pín ìkìlọ̀ ilé-ìwé ti a fún akẹ́kọ̀ọ́.


"One of the notices (right) refers to the ""Suggestions"" mandate and urges teachers and students to resist Western style celebrations."


"Ọ̀kan nínú ìkìlọ̀ náà (ọ̀tún) ń tọ́ka sí òfin ""Ìmọ̀ràn"" ó sì rọ olùkọ́ àti akẹ́kọ̀ọ́ láti kọ àyájọ́ tí ó fi ara jọ ti Òyìnbó sílẹ̀."


It also demands students to spread anti-Western messages to friends and family members on Wechat and other mobile messaging applications.


Bákan náà ni ìkìlọ̀ rọ akẹ́kọ̀ọ́ láti fọ́n iṣẹ́-ìjẹ́ òdì-ọ̀rọ̀ ìgbógunti àṣà Òyìnbó ká sí ọ̀rẹ́ àti ojúlùmọ̀ lórí WeChat àti lórí àwọn irinṣẹ́ iṣẹ́-ìjẹ́ ẹ̀rọ-alátagbà mìíràn.


One mother was surprised to find her child rejecting her offer of a Christmas gift. She wrote on Weibo:


Ìyàlẹ́nu ni ó jẹ́ fún ìyá kan nígbàtí ọmọọ rẹ̀ kọ ẹ̀bùn Kérésìmesì. Ìyá kọ sórí Weibo:


Mother: Baby, what do you want for Christmas gift?


Ìyá: Ọmọ mi, ẹ̀bùn wo lo fẹ́ fún Kérésìmesì?


Child: I will not celebrate Western festivals Christmas is not a Chinese people's festival.


Ọmọ: Èmi ò ní ṣe àjọyọ̀ àjọ̀dún Òyìnbó kì í ṣe àjọ̀dún ìlúu China.


OK, you are definitely an obedient baby of the Party and the People.


Ó dáa, dájúdájú onígbọràn ọmọ ẹgbẹ́ òṣèlú àti àwọn ará ìlú ni ọ́.


However, high school and college students were more critical.


Síbẹ̀, àwọn akẹ́kọ̀ọ́ ilé-ẹ̀kọ́ gíga ṣe àròjinlẹ̀.


One student questioned school policy on Weibo:


Akẹ́kọ̀ọ́ kan ní ìbéèrè lórí òfin ilé-ìwé lórí Weibo:


The school has banned Christmas decorations on campus and forbidden students to exchange gifts so as to campaign against Western festivals.


Ilé-ìwé ti gbé ẹsẹ̀ lé ìṣẹ̀ṣọ́ọ Kérésìmesì nínú ọgbà ó sì ti sọ pàṣìpàrọ̀ ẹ̀bùn di èèwọ̀ ní ìpolongo ìtako àjọ̀dún Òyìnbó.


Are all these measures to enhance and promote Chinese culture or a sign of losing confidence on one's own culture?


Ǹjẹ́ fún ìdàgbàsókè àṣà ilẹ̀ China ni gbogbo ọ̀nà yìí tàbí àmì ìpàdánù ìgbẹ́kẹ̀lé àṣà ìbílẹ̀ ẹni?


Some have chosen to celebrate the festival in secret. A Weibo user said:


Àwọn kan ti yan ìṣàjọyọ̀ àjọ̀dún náà ní ìkọ̀kọ̀. Òǹlo Weibo kan sọ:


The company has forbidden the celebration of Western festivals. But the secretary in the personnel department has handed out a Christmas apple [common Christmas gift] to the staff members in secret.


Ilé-iṣẹ́ ti sọ ayẹyẹ àjọyọ̀ àjọ̀dún Òyìnbó di èèwọ̀. Ṣùgbọ́n akọ̀wé láti ẹ̀ka ètò-òṣìṣẹ́ ti fi òró Kérésìmesì (ẹ̀bùn Kérésìmesì tí ó wọ́pọ̀) fún àwọn òṣìṣẹ́ ní ìkọ̀kọ̀.


Let's wish for peace.


Ẹ jẹ́ kí a fẹ́ àlàáfíà.


Another Weibo user expressed his view with a Christmas wish:


Òǹlo Weibo mìíràn fi èròǹgbàa rẹ̀ hàn pẹ̀lú ohun tí ó fẹ́ fún Kérésìmesì:


Merry Christmas!


Ẹ kú ọdún Kérésìmesì!


I love you god!


Mo nífẹ̀ẹ́-ẹ̀ rẹ olúwa!


Santa Claus, pls give me a big big sock with freedom in it.


Bàba Kérésìmesì, jọ̀wọ́ fún mi ní ìbọsẹ̀ nílá gbàǹgbà pẹ̀lú òmìnira nínúu rẹ̀.


An all-female flight crew makes history in Mozambique


Òṣìṣẹ́ inú ọkọ̀ òfuurufú olóbìnrin nìkan wọ ìwé ìtàn ní Mozambique


Mozambique's first all-female crew | Photo used with permission from Meck Antonio.


Ikọ̀ awakọ̀ òfuurufú olóbìnrin àkọ́kọ́ irúu rẹ̀ ní Mozambique | A lo àwòrán pẹ̀lú àṣẹ láti ọwọ́ Meck Antonio.


It is a historic day: that is how many Mozambicans regard December 14, 2018 when, for the first time in the country's civil aviation history, an airplane was operated solely by women.


Ọjọ́ ìtàn ni ọjọ́ yìí: ojú yìí ni ogunlọ́gọ̀ ọmọ-ìlú Mozambique fi wo ìṣẹ̀lẹ̀ ọjọ́ 14, oṣù Ọ̀pẹ ọdún 2018 nígbà tí, fún ìgbà àkókọ́ nínú ìtàn ìgbésí ayé ètò ọkọ̀ òfuurufú ìlú náà, tí obìnrin jẹ́ atukọ̀.


The crew for flight TM112/3, which traveled between the capital, Maputo, and Manica - an air distance of 442 miles - was captain Admira António, co-pilot Elsa Balate, cabin chief Maria da Luz Aurélio, and flight attendant Débora Madeleine.


Ikọ̀ bàlúù TM112/3, tí ó rin ìrìn àjò láti olú ìlú, Maputo, àti Manica - tí jíjìn sí ara wọn tó máìlì 442 - ni a tí rí atukọ̀ Admira António, atukọ̀ kejì Elsa Balate, olóyè ọkọ̀ Maria da Luz Aurélio, àti òṣìṣẹ́ inú ọkọ̀ Débora Madeleine.


The women are members of MEX, an entity originally created as the Special Operations Department of LAM - Linhas Aéreas de Moçambique.


Àwọn obìnrin wọ̀nyí wà nínú ẹgbẹ́ MEX, ilé-iṣẹ́ tí a dá sílẹ̀ gẹ́gẹ́ bíi Ẹ̀ka Iṣẹ́ Àkànṣe LAM - Linhas Aéreas de Moçambique.


In 1995, it began operations as an independent airline, Mozambique Express.


Ní 1995, ó bẹ̀rẹ̀ iṣẹ́ bíi ilé-iṣẹ́ ọkọ̀ òfuurufú aládàáni , Mozambique Express.


A congratulatory Facebook status update posted by feminist activist Eliana Nzualo, has so far attracted nearly 450 comments, been shared more than 460 times, and garnered close to 2,000 reactions:


Àtẹ̀jáde ìkíni orí Facebook láti ọwọ́ ajàfúnẹ̀tọ́ obìnrin Eliana Nzualo, ti ní ìsọsí tí ó tó 450, tí a ti pín tó ìgbà 460, àti pé ọ̀pọ̀ èsì tí ó tó 2,000 ni ó gbà:


A HISTORIC DAY - All-female crew


ỌJỌ́ ÌTÀN - Ikọ̀ ọkọ̀ òfuurufú


Congratulations MEX!


MEX kú oríire!


Congratulations crew!


Ikọ̀ ẹ kú oríire!


Congratulations, Mozambique!


Mozambique, kú oríire!


For more women in all sectors.


Fún ọ̀pọ̀lọpọ̀ obìnrin nínú iṣẹ́ gbogbo.


"Social activist Mauro Brito added that women should be proud ""when [they] are represented in various sectors"":"


"Àjàfúnẹ̀tọ́ ìkẹ́gbẹ́ Mauro Brito sọ ní tirẹ̀ wípé obìrin gbọ́dọ̀ ní ìgbéraga ""nígbàtí [wọ́n] bá jẹ́ aṣojú nínú iṣẹ́ gbogbo"":"


In aviation there are few women, very few, this is not only here but in the whole world.


Obìnrin kò pọ̀ nínú iṣẹ́ ọkọ̀ òfuurufú, bẹ́ẹ̀ ni ó sì ṣe rí káríayé.


I imagine the women who thought this profession was for men only, should feel proud.


Mo rò ó wípé àwọn obìnrin tí ó ronú láti ṣe iṣẹ́ tí ọkùnrin máa ń ṣe, gbọdọ̀ gbéraga.


Mozambique is not alone.


Mozambique nìkan kọ́.


In August 2018, in a first for South Africa's national carrier SAA, an intercontinental flight with an all-female crew took to the skies to transport passengers from Johannesburg to Sao Paulo, Brazil.


Ní oṣù Ògún ọdún 2018, nínú ọkọ̀ òfuurufú ìlú apá Gúúsù Ilẹ̀-Adúláwọ̀ SAA, ìrìnàjò ìlú dé ìlú pẹ̀lú ikọ̀ olóbìnrin fò ní ojú sánmà wọ́n sì kó èrò láti Johannesburg sí Sao Paulo, Brazil.


Eight months earlier, in December 2017, Ethiopian Airlines operated its first ever flight staffed by an all-female crew.


Oṣù méjìlá sẹ́yìn, ní oṣù Ọ̀pẹ ọdún 2017, Ilé-iṣẹ́ Ọkọ̀ òfuurufú Ethiopia fún ìgbà àkókọ́ gbé ikọ̀ òṣìṣẹ́bìnrin fò.


From pilots to cabin crew, check-in staff to flight dispatchers, the flight - from Addis Ababa in Ethiopia to Lagos in Nigeria - was (wo) manned entirely by women.


Awọn atukọ̀ títí kan òṣìṣẹ́ gbogbo, ọkọ̀ òfuurufú láti Addis Ababa ní Ethiopia sí Èkó ní Nàìjíríà - jẹ́ obìnrin pátápátá porongodo.


Why are African governments criminalising online speech? Because they fear its power.


Kí ló dé tí ìjọba Ilẹ̀-Adúláwọ̀ ń f'òfin de ọ̀rọ̀ sísọ orí-ayélujára? Nítorí wọ́n bẹ̀rù agbára rẹ̀.


Students at Haromaya University in Ethiopia displaying a quasi-official anti-government gesture.


Akẹ́kọ̀ọ́ Ifásitì Haromaya ní Ethiopia ń fi àmì ìtako ìjọba hàn.


Photo shared widely on social media.


Àwòrán tí a pín lórí ẹ̀rọ-alátagbà.


Africa's landscape of online free speech and dissent is gradually, but consistently, being tightened.


Ọ̀rọ̀ sísọ lórí ayélujára ti ń rí ìfúnpa láti ọwọ́ ìjọba díẹ̀ díẹ̀.


In legal and economic terms, the cost of speaking out is rapidly rising across the continent.


Nínú ìlànà òfin àti ọ̀rọ̀ Ajé, iye òmìnira ọ̀rọ̀ ń dìde kárí Ilẹ̀-Adúláwọ̀.


While most governments are considered democratic in that they hold elections with multi-party candidates and profess participatory ideals, in practice, many operate much closer dictatorships - and they appear to be asserting more control over digital space with each passing day.


Nígbà tí àwọn ìjọba kan mọ rírì ètò ìjọba àwa-arawa nípasẹ̀ ṣíṣe ìbò pẹ̀lú ọlọ́pọ̀-ẹgbẹ́ òṣèlú àti sọ nígbangba nípa àjọṣe, nínú ìṣe, ọ̀pọ̀ máa ń lo àṣẹ tí ò ṣe é yí padà - wọ́n sì ń lo agbára àṣẹ yìí lórí ẹ̀rọ-ayárabíàṣá bí ọjọ́ ṣe ń gun orí ọjọ́.


Cameroon, Tanzania, Uganda, Ethiopia, Nigeria, and Benin have in the recent past witnessed internet shutdowns, the imposition of taxes on blogging and social media use, and the arrest of journalists.


Cameroon, Tanzania, Uganda, Ethiopia, Nigeria, àti Benin ti ní Ìtìpa Ẹ̀rọ-ayélujára, ìjọba ti fi owó-orí lé lílo búlọ́ọ̀gù àti ẹ̀rọ-alátagbà, wọ́n sì ti fi ọwọ́ ṣìgún òfin mú oníròyìn.


"Media workers and citizens have been jailed on charges ranging from publishing ""false information"" to exposing state secrets to terrorism."


"Òṣìṣẹ́ ìròyìn àti àwọn ọmọ-ìlú ti di èrò àtìmọ́lé lórí ẹ̀sùn àtẹ̀jáde ""ìròyìn irọ́"" títí kan ìkóròyìn ìkòkọ̀ ìlú sí etí ìgbọ́ ẹgbẹ́ afẹ̀míṣòfò."


At the recent Forum of Internet Freedom in Africa (FIFA) held in Accra, Ghana, a group of panelists from various African countries all said they feared African governments were interested in controlling digital space to keep citizens in check.


Ní ibi Àpérò Òmìnira Ẹ̀rọ-ayélujára ní Ilẹ̀-Adúláwọ̀ (FIFA) tí ó wáyé ní Accra, Ghana, ikọ̀ akópa láti àwọn ìlú ilẹ̀ Adúláwọ̀ pátá sọ wípé kò ní ṣe ẹnu rere bí ìjọba bá fi òfin de ọmọ-ìlú tí ó ń lo ẹ̀rọ-ayárabíaṣá.


Many countries have statutes and laws which guarantee the right to free expression.


Ọ̀pọ̀ orílẹ̀-èdè ló ní àwọn òfin àti àbádòfin tí ó fún ọmọ ènìyàn ní ẹ̀tọ́ sí òmìnira ọ̀rọ̀ sísọ.


In Nigeria, for example, the Freedom of Information Act grants citizens the right to demand information from any government agency.


Ní Nàìjíríà, fún àpẹẹrẹ, Àbádòfin Òmìnira Ọ̀rọ̀ fún ọmọ ìlú ní òmìnira láti béèrè fún ìwífun lọ́wọ́ àjọ ìjọba.


"Section 22 of the 1999 Constitution provides for freedom of the press and Section 39 maintains that ""every person shall be entitled to freedom of expression, including the freedom to hold and to receive and impart ideas and information without interference..."""


"Abala 22 ìwé òfin ọdún 1999 pèsè fún ẹ̀tọ́ òmìnira ìròyìn àti Abala 39 fi lélẹ̀ wípé ""gbogbo ènìyàn ni ó ní ẹ̀tọ́ sí òmìnira ọ̀rọ̀ sísọ, títí kan òmìnira láti gbá ìròyìn mú àti gba ọgbọ́n àti ìwífun láì sí ìdíwọ́..."""


Yet, Nigeria has issued other laws that authorities use to deny these aforementioned rights.


Síbẹ̀, Nàìjíríà tí tẹ àwọn òfin kan tí ó tẹ orí àwọn ẹ̀tọ́ òkè yìí bọlẹ̀.


"Section 24 of Nigeria's Cybercrime Act criminalises ""anyone who spreads messages he knows to be false, for the purpose of causing annoyance, inconvenience, danger, obstruction, insult, injury, criminal intimidation, enmity, hatred, ill will or needless anxiety to another or causes such a message to be sent."""


"Abala 24 Òfin Ẹ̀ṣẹ̀ orí-ayélujára fi ẹ̀sùn kan ""ẹnikẹ́ni tí ó bá tan iṣẹ́-ìjẹ́ tí kò ní òótọ́ kan nínú, tí ó lè fa ìbínú, ìnira, ewu, ìdíwọ́, àfojúdi, ìdáyàfò ọ̀daràn, ọ̀tá, ìkórìíra, tàbí ìbínú láì ní ìdí sí ẹlòmíràn ká tàbí fa kí a fi irúfẹ́ iṣẹ́-ìjẹ́ bẹ́ẹ̀ ránṣẹ́."""


"Making laws with ambiguous and subjective terms like ""inconvenience"" or ""insult"" calls for concern."


"Ìṣòfin àìdájú àti àwọn gbólóhùn bíi ""ìnira"" tàbí ""ìwọ̀sí"" jẹ́ nǹkan tí a ní láti mójútó."


Governments and their agents often use this as a cover to suppress freedom of expression.


Ìjọba àti àwọn àjọ rẹ̀ máa ń sábà fi èyí ṣe bójúbójú fún ìtẹríbọlẹ̀ òmìnira ọ̀rọ̀ sísọ.


Who determines the definition of an insult?


Ta ni ẹni tí ó ń sọ bóyá ọ̀rọ̀ kan jẹ́ àfojúdi?


Should public officials expect to develop a thick skin?


Ǹjẹ́ ó yẹ kí òṣìṣẹ́ ìjọba ó ṣe ìmúdàgbà àwọ̀-ara tí ó ní ipọn?


In many parts of the world, citizens have the right to criticise public officials.


Ní àgbáyé, ọmọ-ìlú ní ẹ̀tọ́ láti wá àìṣedéédé aláṣẹ ìjọba.


Why don't Africans have the right to offend as an essential part of free expression?


Kí ló dé tí Ilẹ̀-Adúláwọ̀ kò ní ẹ̀tọ́ láti ṣẹ̀ gẹ́gẹ́ bí ẹ̀ka tí ó ṣe pàtàkì nínú òmìnira ọ̀rọ̀ sísọ?


In 2017 and 2016, Nigerian online journalists and bloggers Abubakar Sidiq Usman and Kemi Olunloyo were each booked on spurious charges of cyber-stalking in connection with journalistic investigations on the basis of the Cybercrime Act.


Ní ọdún 2017 àti 2016, oníròyìn orí-ayélujára ọmọ bíbí ìlú Nàìjíríà àti akọbúlọ́ọ̀gù Abubakar Sidiq Usman àti Kẹ́mi Olúnlọ́yọ̀ọ́ tí ta ẹsẹ̀ àgẹ̀rẹ̀ sí òfin nípasẹ̀ ṣíṣe iṣẹ́ ìkóròyìnjọ lóríi Òfin Ẹ̀ṣẹ̀ orí-ayélujára.


Don't suffer in silence - keep talking


Má jìyà nínú Ìdáké̩ró̩ró̩ - máa wí lọ


The very existence of these legal challenges tells citizens that their voices matter.


Ìwà tí ó jẹ́ gbòògì àwọn ìpèníjà wọ̀nyí gẹ́gẹ́ bíi ti òfin ń sọ fún ọmọ-ìlú pé ohùn-un wọn ṣe kókó.


"From Tanzania's prohibition on spreading ""false, deceptive, misleading or inaccurate"" information online to Uganda's tax on social media that is intended to curb ""gossip,"" the noise made on digital platforms scares oppressive regimes. In some cases, it may even lead to them to rescind their actions."


"Kí a mú un láti Ìdádúró Tanzania tí ó dá lóríi ìtànká ""ìròyìn irọ́, ìtànjẹ, tàbí ìròyìn tí ò pé ojú òṣùwọ̀n"" lórí ayélujára títí kan owó-orí Uganda fún ìlò ẹ̀rọ-alátagbà fún ìgbógunti ""àhesọ,"" ariwo orí ẹ̀rọ-ayárabíaṣá ń já àwọn ìjọba aninilára láyà. Ní ìgbà mìíràn, ó máa mú wọn pa àwọn ìwàa wọn tì."


The experience of the Zone9 bloggers of Ethiopia provides a powerful example.


Ìrírí akọbúlọ́ọ̀gù Zone9 ìlú Ethiopia jẹ́ àpẹẹrẹ.


In 2014, nine Ethiopian writers were jailed and tortured over a collective blogging project in which they wrote about human rights violations by Ethiopia's former government, daring to speak truth to power.


Ní ọdún 2014, àwọn òǹkọ̀wé ọmọ bíbí Ethiopia mẹ́sàn-án lọ sí ẹ̀wọ̀n àti jìyà oró látàrí iṣẹ́ àjọṣepọ̀ tí wọ́n jọ kọ nípa ìtẹsẹ̀ àgẹ̀rẹ̀ sí ẹ̀tọ́ ọmọ-ènìyàn ìjọba àná ìlú Ethiopia, kí òótọ́ ó di mímọ̀.


"The state labeled the group ""terrorists"" for their online activity and incarcerated them for almost 18 months."


"Ìjọba pe ẹgbẹ́ yìí ni ""afẹ̀míṣòfò"" nítorí àtẹ̀jáde orí ẹ̀rọ-ayélujára wọn a sì ti wọ́n mọ́lé fún oṣù 18."


Zone9 members Mahlet (left) and Zelalem (right) rejoiced at the release of Befeqadu Hailu (second from left, in scarf) in October 2015.


Àwọn ọmọ ẹgbẹ́ Zone9 Mahlet (òsì) àti Zelalem (ọ̀tún) ń dunnú fún ìdásílẹ̀lẹ́wọ̀n Befeqadu Hailu (ẹnìkejì láti ọwọ́ òsì, pẹ̀lú sícáàfù) ní oṣù kẹwàá ọdún 2015.


Photo shared on Twitter by Zelalem Kiberet.


Orí Twitter ni Zelalem Kiberet ti pín àwòrán yìí.


Six members of the now liberated group made their premier international engagement in Ghana during FIFA conference: Atnaf Berhane, Befeqadu Hailu Techane, Zelalem Kibret, Natnael Feleke Aberra, and Abel Wabella were all in attendance.


Àwọn mẹ́fà lára àwọn ẹgbẹ́ náà tí ó ti gba òmìnira báyìí ṣe ìtàkùrọ̀sọ àgbáyé àkọ́kọ́ ní ìlú Ghana ní àsìkò àpérò FIFA: Atnaf Berhane, Befeqadu Hailu Techane, Zelalem Kibret, Natnael Feleke Aberra, àti Abel Wabella náà wá sí àpérò.


Jomanex Kasaye, who had worked with the group prior to the arrests (but was not arrested) also attended.


Jomanex Kasaye, ẹni tí ó ti bá ẹgbẹ́ náà ṣiṣẹ́ kí àtìmọ́lé ó tó ṣẹlẹ̀ (àmọ́ tí a kò fi àṣẹ mú) náà kò gbẹ́yìn níbi àpérò.


Several members had collaborated with Global Voices to write and translate stories into the Amharic.


Ọ̀pọ̀lọpọ̀ nínú ẹgbẹ́ yìí ti bá Ohùn Àgbáyé ṣe pọ̀ láti kọ àti ṣe ìtúmọ̀ ìròyìn sí èdè Amharic.


As members of the community, Global Voices campaigned and mobilised the global human rights community to speak out about their case from the very first night they were arrested.


Gẹ́gẹ́ bí ọmọ ẹgbẹ́ Ohùn Àgbáyé ṣe ìpolongo àti ìpanupọ̀ ajàfúnẹ̀tọ́ ọmọnìyàn àgbáyé gẹ́gẹ́ bi agbẹnusọ láti ọjọ́ tí wọ́n dé akoto ọba.


After months of writing stories and promoting their case on Twitter, international condemnation of their arrest and imprisonment began to flow from governments and prominent human rights leaders, alongside hundreds of thousands of online supporters.


Lẹ́yìn ọ̀pọ̀lọpọ̀ oṣù tí a tẹ ọ̀kanòjọ̀kan ìròyìn jáde àti ìgbélárugẹ ìtàkùrọ̀sọ ọ̀ràn wọn lórí Twitter, ìdálébi ìfàṣẹmú àti àtìmọ́lé gba ojúlé ìjọba àti àwọn alẹ́nulọ́rọ̀ ajàfúnẹ̀tọ́ ọmọnìyàn ní àgbáyé kọjá, láì gbàgbé àwọn ọgọọ́gọ̀rún àti ẹgbẹẹ̀gbẹ̀rún alátìlẹ́yìn orí ẹ̀rọ-ayélujára.


From the four-compass points of the world, a mighty cry arose demanding the Ethiopian government to free the Zone9 bloggers.


Láti orígun mẹ́rẹ̀ẹ̀rin àgbáyé, igbe ńlá ni ó gba àwọn akọbúlọ́ọ̀gù Zone9 sílẹ̀ lọ́wọ́ ìjọba ilẹ̀ Ethiopia.


In their remarks at FIFA, the bloggers said that their membership in the Global Voices community was key to visibility during their time in prison.