The federal government has made an unprecedented financial response to the COVID-19 pandemic. At the same time, opportunities exist for achieving billions of dollars in financial savings and improving the efficiency and effectiveness of a wide range of federal programs in other areas. Congress included a provision in statute for GAO to identify and report on federal programs, agencies, offices, and initiatives—either within departments or government-wide—that have duplicative goals or activities. GAO also identifies areas that are fragmented or overlapping and additional opportunities to achieve cost savings or enhance revenue collection. This report discusses the new areas identified in GAO’s 2020 annual report—the 10th report in this series; the progress made in addressing actions GAO identified in its 2011 to 2019 reports; and examples of open actions directed to Congress or executive branch agencies. To identify what actions exist to address these issues, GAO reviewed and updated prior work, including matters for congressional consideration and recommendations for executive action. GAO’s 2020 annual report identifies 168 new actions for Congress or executive branch agencies to improve the efficiency and effectiveness of government in 29 new mission areas and 10 existing areas. For example: The Department of Defense could potentially save hundreds of millions of dollars annually by accurately measuring and reducing excess funded, unfinished work at military depots. The Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services could better ensure that states implement Medicaid provider screening and enrollment requirements, which could potentially save tens of millions of dollars annually . The Government National Mortgage Association could enhance the efficiency and effectiveness of its operations and risk management and reduce costs or enhance federal revenue by tens of millions of dollars annually . The Internal Revenue Service should establish a formal collaborative mechanism with the Department of Labor to better manage fragmented efforts and enhance compliance for certain individual retirement accounts that engaged in prohibited transactions, and thereby potentially increase revenues by millions of dollars . Improved coordination and communication between the Department of Health and Human Services’ Office of the Assistant Secretary for Preparedness and Response and its emergency support agencies—including the Federal Emergency Management Agency and Departments of Defense and Veterans Affairs—could help address fragmentation and ensure the effective provision of public health and medical services during a public health emergency. The Department of Education should analyze data and use it to verify borrowers’ income and family size information on Income-Driven Repayment plans to safeguard the hundreds of billions of dollars in federal investment in student loans and potentially save more than $2 billion . The Internal Revenue Service could increase coordination among its offices to better manage fragmented efforts to ensure the security of taxpayer information held by third-party providers. GAO identified 88 new actions related to 10 existing areas presented in 2011 through 2019 annual reports. For example: The Department of the Navy could achieve billions of dollars in cost savings by improving its acquisition practices and ensuring that ships can be efficiently sustained. The Office of Management and Budget could improve oversight of disaster relief funds and address government-wide improper payments, which could result in significant cost savings. The U.S. Army Corps of Engineers and the U.S. Coast Guard could better identify and communicate lessons learned in contracting following a disaster to improve fragmented interagency coordination. Significant progress has been made in addressing many of the 908 actions that GAO identified from 2011 to 2019 to reduce costs, increase revenues, and improve agencies’ operating effectiveness. As of March 2020, Congress and executive branch agencies have fully or partially addressed 79 percent of all actions (721 of 908 actions)—57 percent (519 actions) fully addressed and 22 percent (202 actions) partially addressed. This has resulted in approximately $429 billion in financial benefits. About $393 billion of these benefits accrued between 2010 and 2019, and $36 billion are projected to accrue in future years. This is an increase of $166 billion from GAO’s 2019 annual report. These are rough estimates based on a variety of sources that considered different time periods and utilized different data sources, assumptions, and methodologies. While Congress and executive branch agencies have made progress toward addressing actions that GAO has identified since 2011, further steps are needed. GAO estimates that tens of billions of additional dollars could be saved should Congress and executive branch agencies fully address the remaining 467 open actions, including the new ones identified in 2020. Addressing the remaining actions could lead to other benefits as well, such as increased public safety, and more effective delivery of services. For example:


The federal government is expected to provide state and local governments about $750 billion in federal grants in FY2019, funding a wide range of public policies, such as health care, transportation, income security, education, job training, social services, community development, and environmental protection. Federal grants account for about one-third of total state government funding, and more than half of state government funding for health care and public assistance. Congressional interest in federal grants to state and local governments has always been high given the central role Congress has in determining the scope and nature of the federal grant-in-aid system, the amount of funding involved, and disagreements over the appropriate role of the federal government in domestic policy generally and in its relationship with state and local governments. Federalism scholars agree that congressional decisions concerning the scope and nature of the federal grants-in-aid system are influenced by both internal and external factors. Internal factors include congressional party leadership and congressional procedures; the decentralized nature of the committee system; the backgrounds, personalities, and ideological preferences of individual Members; and the customs and traditions (norms) that govern congressional behavior. Major external factors include input provided by voter constituencies, organized interest groups, the President, and executive branch officials. Although not directly involved in the legislative process, the Supreme Court, through its rulings on federalism issues, also influences congressional decisions concerning the federal grants-in-aid system. Overarching all of these factors is the evolving nature of cultural norms and expectations concerning government's role in American society. Over time, the American public has become increasingly accepting of government activism in domestic affairs generally, and of federal government intervention in particular. Federalism scholars attribute this increased acceptance of, and sometimes demand for, government action as a reaction to the industrialization and urbanization of American society; technological innovations in communications, which have raised awareness of societal problems; and exponential growth in economic interdependencies brought about by an increasingly global economy. This report provides a historical synopsis of the evolving nature of the federal grants-in-aid system, focusing on the role Congress has played in defining the system's scope and nature. It begins with an overview of the contemporary federal grants-in-aid system and then examines its evolution over time, focusing on the internal and external factors that have influenced congressional decisions concerning the system's development. It concludes with an assessment of the scope and nature of the contemporary federal grants-in-aid system and raises several issues for congressional consideration, including possible ways to augment congressional capacity to provide effective oversight of this system.


The federal government is one of the world's largest and most complex entities; about $4.1 trillion in outlays in fiscal year 2018 funded a broad array of programs and operations. GAO's high-risk program identifies government operations with vulnerabilities to fraud, waste, abuse, and mismanagement, or in need of transformation to address economy, efficiency, or effectiveness challenges. This biennial update describes the status of high-risk areas, outlines actions that are still needed to assure further progress, and identifies two new high-risk areas needing attention by the executive branch and Congress. Solutions to high-risk problems save billions of dollars, improve service to the public, and would strengthen government performance and accountability. GAO uses five criteria to assess progress in addressing high-risk areas: (1) leadership commitment, (2) agency capacity, (3) an action plan, (4) monitoring efforts, and (5) demonstrated progress. The ratings for more than half of the 35 areas on the 2019 High-Risk List remain largely unchanged. Since GAO's last update in 2017, seven areas improved, three regressed, and two showed mixed progress by improving in some criteria but declining in others. Where there has been improvement in high-risk areas, congressional actions have been critical in spurring progress in addition to actions by executive agencies. GAO is removing two of the seven areas with improved ratings from the High-Risk List because they met all of GAO's five criteria for removal. The first area, Department of Defense (DOD) Supply Chain Management, made progress on seven actions and outcomes related to monitoring and demonstrated progress that GAO recommended for improving supply chain management. For example, DOD improved the visibility of physical inventories, receipt processing, cargo tracking, and unit moves. Improvements in asset visibility have saved millions of dollars and allow DOD to better meet mission needs by providing assets where and when needed. The second area, Mitigating Gaps in Weather Satellite Data, made significant progress in establishing and implementing plans to mitigate potential gaps. For example, the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration successfully launched a satellite, now called NOAA-20, in November 2017. NOAA-20 is operational and provides advanced weather data and forecasts. DOD developed plans and has taken actions to address gaps in weather data through its plans to launch the Weather System Follow-on–Microwave satellite in 2022. There are two new areas on the High-Risk List since 2017. Added in 2018 outside of GAO's biennial high-risk update cycle, the Government-Wide Personnel Security Clearance Process faces significant challenges related to processing clearances in a timely fashion, measuring investigation quality, and ensuring information technology security. The second area, added in 2019, is Department of Veterans Affairs (VA) Acquisition Management. VA has one of the most significant acquisition functions in the federal government, both in obligations and number of contract actions. GAO identified seven contracting challenges for VA, such as outdated acquisition regulations and policies, lack of an effective medical supplies procurement strategy, and inadequate acquisition training. Overall, 24 high-risk areas have either met or partially met all five criteria for removal from the list; 20 of these areas fully met at least one criterion. Ten high-risk areas have neither met nor partially met one or more criteria. While progress is needed across all high-risk areas, GAO has identified nine that need especially focused executive and congressional attention, including Ensuring the Cybersecurity of the Nation, Resolving the Federal Role in Housing Finance, addressing Pension Benefit Guaranty Corporation Insurance Programs, Managing Risks and Improving VA Health Care, and ensuring an effective 2020 Decennial Census. Beyond these specific areas, focused attention is needed to address mission-critical skills gaps in 16 high-risk areas, confront three high-risk areas concerning health care and tax law enforcement that include billions of dollars in improper payments each year, and focus on a yawning tax gap.


The federal government obligated approximately $507 billion on contracts in fiscal year 2017. Businesses, including federal contractors, pay billions of dollars in taxes each year. Some businesses, however, do not pay owed taxes, contributing to what is known as the tax gap. Federal contractors owe some of the taxes that contribute to the tax gap, and, since 2015, federal law prohibits agencies, under certain circumstances, from using appropriated funds to contract with those who have qualifying tax debt. The IRS also has authority to levy certain payments of contractors with qualifying federal tax debt. GAO was asked to review issues related to federal contractors and tax debt. Among other things, GAO examined whether, in calendar years 2015 and 2016, (1) selected federal agencies had control activities that ensured contractors' reported federal tax debts were considered before contract award and (2) the IRS levied selected federal contractors' payments. GAO analyzed contract and IRS data from 2015 and 2016 (the most-recent data available), reviewed five agencies that represent 51 percent of contract obligations, and reviewed seven awards to contractors reporting tax debt. The five selected agencies GAO reviewed have control activities—such as policies and procedures—to help ensure they consider qualifying federal tax debts as defined by Federal Acquisition Regulation (FAR) § 52.209-11 and § 52.209-5 before awarding contracts. However, these controls were potentially ineffective in ensuring compliance with relevant laws and regulations. According to GAO's analysis, in 2015 and 2016 the Departments of Energy, Health and Human Services, and Veterans Affairs, and the Army and Navy, awarded 1,849 contracts to contractors that reported qualifying federal tax debts, such as delinquent debts over $3,500 (see table). When a contractor reports qualifying tax debts under these regulations, the contracting officer must take several actions, including notifying the agency suspension and debarment official (SDO). However, SDOs at all five agencies told GAO they did not receive any notifications of contractors reporting tax debt in this period. As a result, these contracts may have been awarded without potential required actions, indicating potential violations of federal regulations and, in some cases, appropriations law. GAO's nongeneralizable review of seven contracts illustrate two cases where contractors were collectively awarded more than $510,000 in contract obligations while having more than $250,000 in tax debt, including tax penalties for willful noncompliance with tax laws. Officials from the selected agencies were unable to explain why their control activities were potentially ineffective without reviewing each contract to determine whether FAR requirements were applicable and whether control activities were applied. Understanding why existing control activities did not operate effectively will help these agencies enhance controls to avoid future misuses of appropriated funds. GAO plans to provide information on the instances of potential noncompliance GAO identified to the selected agencies. Of the over 2,700 executive-branch contractors GAO found to have likely qualifying federal tax debt as of December 2016, the Internal Revenue Service (IRS) had identified over 2,000 for levy through its automated Federal Payment Levy Program (FPLP). However, the FPLP cannot levy all contractors because not all payments are processed by the system the FPLP uses. The data the IRS receives from agencies does not allow it to readily identify payments made using other systems—information the IRS needs for agency outreach about inclusion in the FPLP and to more quickly initiate a manual levy. With this information, the IRS may be able to improve its levy capacity and enhance tax collections.


The federal government owns and manages over a trillion of dollars of property that is not real property, such as vehicles, computers, and office furniture. Federal agencies generally get rid of excess property through GSA's disposal process, which then allows entities such as other federal agencies, to obtain that property if they want. Some agencies have independent authorities that allow them to provide property to non-federal recipients, such as universities, before or during the GSA disposal process. GAO was asked to review how federal agencies provide property to non-federal recipients. This report examines (1) how selected agencies manage unneeded and excess property provided to non-federal recipients and (2) what is known about benefits, effects, and data on property provided to these recipients. GAO analyzed GSA non-federal recipients' reports from fiscal years 2013 to 2017, the most current available at the start of our review, and selected three agencies—USDA, DOE, and DOL—to obtain variety on the methods used to provide property to non-federal recipients. GAO reviewed relevant processes and interviewed officials from GSA, selected agencies, and non-federal recipients. GAO found the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA), Department of Energy (DOE), and Department of Labor (DOL) established a process for providing property to non-federal recipients but had limited insight into how these recipients used this property. Officials told GAO that some of the property was disposed of prematurely or not used at all. Such outcomes are inconsistent with agency policy. Whether these instances are widespread or uncommon is unknown due to a lack of consistent monitoring and oversight. For example, DOE officials said they were not monitoring property provided by one of their programs, because they thought the authorization had expired. Without consistent monitoring or oversight, agencies cannot be assured that property is being used as required or achieving intended objectives. Selected agencies identified benefits of providing unneeded and excess property to non-federal recipients, but the larger effect of these efforts is unclear due to a lack of reported reliable data. Agency officials said providing property to these recipients saves costs and enhances their mission. However, other sources, including a General Services Administration (GSA) study, reported that using these authorities has reduced the amount of property that would otherwise be available to federal agencies or other recipients. While data on property provided to non-federal recipients are key to understanding the effects of the program, GAO found the government-wide data on property provided to non-federal recipients were unreliable. For example, GAO found that agencies reported incorrect authorities for transactions and underreported excess property provided to such recipients. GSA's current reporting tool and guidance are unclear on how agencies should report these items, and GSA does not have definite plans on what changes it will make to address these government-wide data issues. Until these changes are made, it will be hard to understand the scope of property provided to non-federal recipients and assess the effects on the federal government's disposal process, such as whether federal agencies and other recipients may be missing opportunities to obtain property.


The federal government planned to invest more than $96 billion in IT in fiscal year 2018. However, IT investments have often failed or contributed little to mission-related outcomes. Further, increasingly sophisticated threats and frequent cyber incidents underscore the need for effective information security. As a result, GAO added two areas to its high-risk list: cybersecurity in 1997 and the management of IT acquisitions and operations in 2015. This statement summarizes federal agencies' progress in improving the management, and ensuring the security, of federal IT. It is primarily based on GAO's reports issued between February 1997 and August 2018 (and an ongoing review) on (1) CIO responsibilities, (2) agency CIOs' involvement in approving IT contracts, (3) data center consolidation efforts, (4) the management of software licenses, and (5) compliance with cybersecurity requirements. The Office of Management and Budget (OMB) and federal agencies have taken steps to improve the management of information technology (IT) acquisitions and operations and ensure federal cybersecurity through a series of initiatives. As of November 2018, agencies had fully implemented about 59 percent of the 1,242 IT management-related recommendations that GAO has made since fiscal year 2010. Likewise, agencies had implemented about 73 percent of the approximately 3,000 security-related recommendations that GAO has made since 2010. Even with this progress, significant actions remain to be completed. Chief Information Officer (CIO) responsibilities . Laws such as the Federal Information Technology Acquisition Reform Act (FITARA) and related guidance assigned 35 key IT management responsibilities to CIOs to help address longstanding challenges. However, in August 2018, GAO reported that none of the 24 selected agencies had policies that fully addressed the role of their CIO, as called for by laws and guidance. GAO recommended that OMB and each of the 24 agencies take actions to improve the effectiveness of CIOs' implementation of their responsibilities. As of November 2018, none of the 27 recommendations had been implemented. IT contract approval . According to FITARA, covered agencies' CIOs are required to review and approve IT contracts. Nevertheless, in January 2018, GAO reported that most of the CIOs at 22 covered agencies were not adequately involved in reviewing billions of dollars of IT acquisitions. Consequently, GAO made 39 recommendations to improve CIO oversight over these acquisitions. As of November 2018, 27 of the recommendations had not been addressed. Consolidating data centers . OMB launched an initiative in 2010 to reduce data centers. According to agencies, data center consolidation and optimization efforts have resulted in approximately $4.5 billion in cost savings through 2018. Even so, additional work remains. GAO has made 160 recommendations to OMB and agencies to improve the reporting of related cost savings and to achieve optimization targets. However, as of November 2018, 47 of the recommendations had not been fully addressed. Managing software licenses . Effective management of software licenses can help avoid purchasing too many licenses that result in unused software. In May 2014, GAO reported that better management of licenses was needed to achieve savings, and made 135 recommendations to improve such management. As of December 2018, 27 of the recommendations had not been implemented. Improving the security of federal IT systems . While the government has acted to protect federal information systems, agencies need to improve security programs, cyber capabilities, and the protection of personally identifiable information. The approximately 3,000 recommendations that GAO has made to agencies since 2010 were aimed at improving the security of federal systems and information. Specifically, these recommendations identified actions for agencies to take to strengthen their information security programs and technical controls over their computer networks and systems. As of November 2018, 688 of the security-related recommendations had not been implemented.


The federal government plans to spend over $90 billion in fiscal year 2019 on IT. About 80 percent of this amount is used to operate and maintain existing IT investments, including aging (also called legacy) systems. As they age, legacy systems can be more costly to maintain, more exposed to cybersecurity risks, and less effective in meeting their intended purpose. GAO was asked to review federal agencies' legacy systems. This report (1) identifies the most critical federal legacy systems in need of modernization and evaluates agency plans for modernizing them, and (2) identifies examples of legacy system modernization initiatives that agencies considered successful. To do so, GAO analyzed a total of 65 legacy systems in need of modernization that 24 agencies had identified. Of these 65, GAO identified the 10 most in need of modernization based on attributes such as age, criticality, and risk. GAO then analyzed agencies' modernization plans for the 10 selected legacy systems against key IT modernization best practices. The 24 agencies also provided 94 examples of successful IT modernizations from the last 5 years. In addition, GAO identified other examples of modernization successes at these agencies. GAO then selected a total of five examples to highlight a mix of system modernization types and a range of benefits realized. This is a public version of a sensitive report that is being issued concurrently. Information that agencies deemed sensitive has been omitted. Among the 10 most critical legacy systems that GAO identified as in need of modernization (see table 1), several use outdated languages, have unsupported hardware and software, and are operating with known security vulnerabilities. For example, the selected legacy system at the Department of Education runs on Common Business Oriented Language (COBOL)—a programming language that has a dwindling number of people available with the skills needed to support it. In addition, the Department of the Interior's system contains obsolete hardware that is not supported by the manufacturers. Regarding cybersecurity, the Department of Homeland Security's system had a large number of reported vulnerabilities, of which 168 were considered high or critical risk to the network as of September 2018. Of the 10 agencies responsible for these legacy systems, seven agencies (the Departments of Defense, Homeland Security, the Interior, the Treasury; as well as the Office of Personnel Management; Small Business Administration; and Social Security Administration) had documented plans for modernizing the systems (see table 2). The Departments of Education, Health and Human Services, and Transportation did not have documented modernization plans. Of the seven agencies with plans, only the Departments of the Interior and Defense's modernization plans included the key elements identified in best practices (milestones, a description of the work necessary to complete the modernization, and a plan for the disposition of the legacy system). Until the other eight agencies establish complete modernization plans, they will have an increased risk of cost overruns, schedule delays, and project failure.


The federal government plans to spend over $90 billion in fiscal year 2019 on IT. Even so, IT investments have too often failed or contributed little to mission-related outcomes. Further, increasingly sophisticated threats and frequent cyber incidents underscore the need for effective information security. To focus attention on these concerns, GAO has included both the management of IT acquisitions and operations and cybersecurity on its high-risk list. For this statement, GAO summarized its key related reports and assessed agencies' progress in implementing the reports' recommendations. Specifically, GAO reviewed the implementation of recommendations on (1) CIO responsibilities, (2) IT acquisition review requirements, (3) data center consolidation, (4) the management of software licenses, and (5) cybersecurity. Federal agencies and the Office of Management and Budget (OMB) have taken steps to improve the management of information technology (IT) acquisitions and operations and ensure the nation's cybersecurity through a series of initiatives. As of November 2019, federal agencies had fully implemented 61 percent of the 1,320 IT management-related recommendations that GAO has made to them since fiscal year 2010. Likewise, agencies had implemented 76 percent of the 3,323 security-related recommendations that GAO has made since fiscal year 2010. Significant actions remain to be completed to build on this progress. Chief Information Officer (CIO) responsibilities . Laws such as the Federal Information Technology Acquisition Reform Act (FITARA) and related guidance assign 35 key responsibilities to agency CIOs to help address longstanding IT management challenges. In August 2018, GAO reported that none of the 24 selected agencies had established policies that fully addressed the role of their CIO. GAO recommended that OMB and the 24 agencies take actions to improve the effectiveness of CIOs' implementation of their responsibilities. Although most agencies agreed or did not comment, none of the 27 recommendations have yet been implemented. CIO IT acquisition review . According to FITARA, covered agencies' CIOs are required to review and approve IT contracts. Nevertheless, in January 2018, GAO reported that most of the CIOs at 22 covered agencies were not adequately involved in reviewing billions of dollars of IT acquisitions. Consequently, GAO made 39 recommendations to improve CIO oversight for these acquisitions. Since then, 23 of the recommendations have been implemented. Consolidating data centers . OMB launched an initiative in 2010 to reduce data centers. In August 2018, 22 agencies reported that they had achieved $1.94 billion in cost savings for fiscal years 2016 through 2018, while two agencies reported that they had not achieved any savings. GAO has made 196 recommendations to OMB and agencies to improve the reporting of related cost savings and to achieve optimization targets. As of November 2019, 121 of the recommendations have been implemented. Managing software licenses . Effective management of software licenses can help avoid purchasing too many licenses that result in unused software. In May 2014, GAO reported that better management of licenses was needed to achieve savings, and made 135 recommendations to improve such management. As of November 2019, all but 19 of the recommendations had been implemented. Ensuring the nation's cybersecurity . While the government has acted to protect federal information systems, GAO has consistently identified shortcomings in the federal government's approach to cybersecurity. The 3,323 recommendations that GAO made to agencies since 2010 have been aimed at addressing cybersecurity challenges. These recommendations have identified actions for agencies to take to fully implement aspects of their information security programs and strengthen technical security controls over their computer networks and systems. As of November 2019, 76 percent of the recommendations had been implemented.


The federal government plans to spend over $90 billion in fiscal year 2019 on IT. Even so, IT investments have too often failed or contributed little to mission-related outcomes. Further, increasingly sophisticated threats and frequent cyber incidents underscore the need for effective information security. To focus attention on these concerns, GAO's high-risk list includes both the management of IT acquisitions and operations and cybersecurity. This statement summarizes federal agencies' progress in improving the management and ensuring the security of federal IT. It is primarily based on GAO's reports issued between July 2011 and April 2019 on (1) CIO responsibilities, (2) CIO IT acquisition review requirements, (3) data center consolidation efforts, (4) the management of software licenses, and (5) cybersecurity. The Office of Management and Budget (OMB) and federal agencies have taken steps to improve the management of information technology (IT) acquisitions and operations and ensure federal cybersecurity through a series of initiatives. As of June 2019, federal agencies had fully implemented 60 percent of the 1,277 IT management-related recommendations that GAO has made to them since fiscal year 2010. Likewise, agencies had implemented 78 percent of the 3,058 security-related recommendations that GAO has made since 2010. Even with this progress, significant actions remain to be completed. Chief Information Officer (CIO) responsibilities . Laws such as the Federal Information Technology Acquisition Reform Act (FITARA) and related guidance assigned 35 key IT management responsibilities to CIOs to help address longstanding challenges. In August 2018, GAO reported that none of the 24 selected agencies had established policies that fully addressed the role of their CIO, as called for by laws and guidance. GAO recommended that OMB and each of the 24 agencies take actions to improve the effectiveness of CIOs' implementation of their responsibilities. As of June 2019, none of the 27 recommendations had been implemented. CIO IT acquisition review . According to FITARA, covered agencies' CIOs are required to review and approve IT contracts. Nevertheless, in January 2018, GAO reported that most of the CIOs at 22 covered agencies were not adequately involved in reviewing billions of dollars of IT acquisitions. Consequently, GAO made 39 recommendations to improve CIO oversight for these acquisitions. As of June 2019, 23 of the recommendations had not been implemented. Consolidating data centers . OMB launched an initiative in 2010 to reduce data centers. According to 24 agencies, data center consolidation and optimization efforts had resulted in approximately $4.7 billion in cost savings through August 2018. Even so, additional work remains. GAO has made 196 recommendations to OMB and agencies to improve the reporting of related cost savings and to achieve optimization targets. As of June 2019, 79 of the recommendations had not been implemented. Managing software licenses . Effective management of software licenses can help avoid purchasing too many licenses that result in unused software. In May 2014, GAO reported that better management of licenses was needed to achieve savings, and made 136 recommendations to improve such management. As of June 2019, 27 of the recommendations had not been implemented. Ensuring the nation's cybersecurity . While the government has acted to protect federal information systems, GAO has consistently identified shortcomings in the federal government's approach to cybersecurity. The 3,058 recommendations that GAO made to agencies since 2010 have been aimed at addressing cybersecurity challenges. These recommendations have identified actions for agencies to take to fully implement aspects of their information security programs and strengthen technical security controls over their computer networks and systems. As of June 2019, 674 of the recommendations had not been implemented.


A lapse in appropriations resulted in the federal government partially shutting down from December 22, 2018, to January 25, 2019. GAO was asked to evaluate agency contingency plans and operations during the FY 2019 shutdown. This report assesses the extent to which selected agencies and selected components (1) had contingency plans that were consistent with applicable OMB guidance, (2) planned for a potential prolonged shutdown and changed operations during the shutdown, and (3) had shutdown policies and procedures consistent with relevant internal control principles. GAO selected CBP, IRS, ITA, and USTR as agency components for review because they are under the jurisdiction of the Senate Committee on Finance and were affected by the FY 2019 shutdown. GAO reviewed OMB's guidance, agencies' contingency plans, and other documentation. GAO interviewed agency and component officials. The Office of Management and Budget (OMB) issues shutdown guidance for agencies in Circular A-11. Of four selected agency components, three—U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CBP), the Internal Revenue Service (IRS), and the International Trade Administration (ITA)—operated in fiscal year (FY) 2019 under contingency plans that included most of the key information elements specified in Circular A-11 . The plan that the fourth one—Office of the U.S. Trade Representative (USTR)—operated under, authored by the Executive Office of the President, did not include a majority of the key information elements. OMB guidance instructs agencies to have plans in place for both short and prolonged—longer than 5 days—shutdowns. None of the four selected agencies' FY 2019 contingency plans fully addressed anticipated changes in the event of a prolonged shutdown. GAO found that IRS, ITA, and USTR internally discussed and planned for anticipated operational changes in the event of a prolonged FY 2019 shutdown. CBP officials said they only focused on short-term operational needs. Having a comprehensive plan for a potential prolonged shutdown would help provide clearer workforce expectations during any future shutdowns. Having sufficient internal controls, such as documented policies and procedures, in place prior to a shutdown can help agencies implement changes in day-to-day operations during a shutdown. Selected agency components all incorporated some internal controls in their shutdown-related activities, as shown in the table below. However, none of the agency components had controls for limiting both physical and virtual workspace access for employees during a shutdown, each citing the difficulty of implementing such controls. Having these controls in place would help components ensure that they operate consistently with their contingency plans and avoid misuse of government resources.


Behavioral health disorders often go untreated, potentially leading to negative health consequences. Behavioral health disorders include substance use or mental health disorders. Medicare provides coverage for behavioral health services. The Substance Use-Disorder Prevention that Promotes Opioid Recovery and Treatment for Patients and Communities Act enacted in 2018 included a provision for GAO to examine Medicare behavioral health services and how beneficiaries are informed of coverage and treatment options. This report (1) describes the utilization of behavioral health services by Medicare beneficiaries and the types of providers furnishing these services, and (2) examines how CMS provides information to beneficiaries about their coverage for behavioral health services. To describe service utilization and provider types, GAO analyzed 2018 Medicare claims data, the most recent data available. To examine how CMS shares information with beneficiaries, GAO reviewed CMS requirements for providing coverage information to beneficiaries, reviewed CMS publications, and interviewed CMS officials. GAO's analysis of Medicare claims data shows that in 2018 almost 5 million beneficiaries used behavioral health services—services for mental and substance use disorders. This represented about 14 percent of the more than 36 million fee-for-service (traditional) Medicare beneficiaries and reflects about $3.3 billion in spending. Additionally, about 96 percent of all behavioral health services accessed by Medicare beneficiaries in 2018, the latest data available, were for a primary diagnosis in one of five behavioral health disorder categories. (See figure.) Mood disorders, such as depression and bipolar disorders, accounted for 42 percent of services. SUD services accounted for about 7 percent of all services accessed by beneficiaries. Further, two-thirds of behavioral health services were provided by psychiatrists, licensed clinical social workers, and psychologists in 2018. The Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services (CMS), the Department of Health and Human Services' (HHS) agency that administers Medicare, uses various approaches to disseminate information to Medicare beneficiaries about coverage for behavioral health services. As part of these efforts, CMS mails out Medicare & You —the most widely disseminated source of information on Medicare benefits—to all Medicare beneficiaries every year. GAO reviewed the fall 2019 and January 2020 editions of Medicare & You. While the January 2020 edition describes a new coverage benefit for beneficiaries with opioid use disorders, neither edition includes an explicit and broader description of the covered services available for substance use disorders. Both HHS and CMS have stated that addressing substance use disorders is a top priority. Given that coverage for substance use disorders is not explicitly outlined in Medicare's most widely disseminated communication, Medicare beneficiaries may be unaware of this coverage and may not seek needed treatment as a result.


The federal government relies on an extensive global telecommunications network to carry out operations and provide information to the public. These networks and call centers, which handle public inquiries, are often maintained or supported by contractors. Concerns have been raised about the extent to which federal contractors are subcontracting or offshoring work, and have in place worker protections and mechanisms to secure the technologies and the data they handle. GAO was asked to review aspects of contracting for federal telecommunications and call centers, including the extent of subcontracting and offshoring. This report provides information on, among other things (1) federal obligations on telecommunications and call center contracts, (2) worker protections identified in selected contracts, and (3) data security and privacy protections identified in selected contracts. GAO analyzed federal procurement data for fiscal years 2014 through 2018 (the most recent available), reviewed a nongeneralizable sample of five contracts from three agencies with significant telecommunications and call center procurements to identify worker protections and data security and privacy protections; and interviewed relevant officials and federal contractors about contracting and industry trends. The federal government obligated over $30 billion for telecommunications contracts and almost $4 billion for call center contracts from fiscal years 2014 through 2018. On average for the 5-year period, telecommunications and call center obligations were a nominal portion of total federal spending—accounting for 1.2 percent and less than 0.2 percent, respectively. Defense agency obligations accounted for the majority of federal telecommunications spending to support a range of information capabilities across the full spectrum of military operations. The Department of Health and Human Services accounted for the majority of call center obligations to support customer inquiries about Medicare and the health insurance marketplace, among other services. Federal procurement data systems do not collect information that can provide insight into the extent of subcontracting or offshoring—including for telecommunications and call center contracts—because they were not designed to do so. GAO's review of selected contracts found that four of the five contracts expressly stated that some or all work must be performed within the continental United States or by U.S. citizens. GAO identified several examples of worker protection requirements in the five selected contracts, generally falling into the areas of wages and hours, workplace safety and health, and protections against certain employer actions. With regard to data security and privacy protections, the five selected contracts GAO reviewed included requirements to limit access to data systems and data maintained, establish security management procedures for and monitoring of data systems, or establish contingency plans for how to provide continued or restored services when system interruptions or problems occur.


The federal government supports the charitable sector by providing charitable organizations and donors with favorable tax treatment. Individuals itemizing deductions may claim a tax deduction for charitable contributions. Estates can make charitable bequests. Corporations can deduct charitable contributions before computing income taxes. Further, earnings on funds held by charitable organizations and used for a related charitable purpose are exempt from tax. In FY2019, projected tax subsidies for charities, not including the value of the tax exemption on earnings of charities or the estate tax deduction, totaled $51.8 billion. If investment income of nonprofits were taxed at the 35% corporate tax rate in 2015, revenue collected is estimated at $26.7 billion (this amount excludes religious organizations). The cost of deducting bequests on estates is estimated at $4 billion to $5 billion. Charitable organizations include both operating charities (including religious institutions) and organizations that tend to hold assets and make grants to operating charities, most notably private foundations, but also donor-advised funds (DAFs) and supporting organizations. The tax code treats different types of organizations differently. For example, foundations and certain supporting organizations have minimum payout requirements, while DAFs do not. Limits on charitable giving also differ across gifts to different types of organizations. Changes in the tax revision enacted in late 2017, popularly known as the Tax Cut and Jobs Act (TCJA; P.L. 115-97 ), while not generally aimed at charitable deductions, reduced the scope of the tax benefit for charitable giving. A higher standard deduction and the limit on the deduction for state and local taxes caused more individuals to take the standard deduction, as opposed to itemizing deductions. As a result, many individuals who were able to deduct charitable contributions no longer claim this itemized deduction. Other changes exempted more estates from the estate tax, eliminating the benefit of deducting charitable contributions in these cases. Concerns have arisen that these changes are expected to lead to a reduction in charitable contributions. In 2018, charitable contributions were estimated at $427.7 billion, or 2.1% of gross domestic product (GDP). Charitable gifts come from four sources: individual contributions (accounting for 68%), foundations (accounting for 18%), bequests (accounting for 9%), and corporations (accounting for 5%). In 2018, estimates suggest approximately 54% of individual contributions are expected to have received a tax subsidy. Comparing giving levels in 2017 and 2018 provides some insight into the possible impacts of the 2017 tax revision on charitable giving and the charitable sector. Compared to 2017, 2018 contributions from individuals and bequests declined as a percentage of GDP (by 6% and 5%, respectively), while corporate contributions were virtually unchanged and foundation contributions rose by 2%. In 2017, an estimated 80% of individual contributions benefited from the tax subsidy for itemized deductions. Surveying the literature can also provide some insight regarding the effect of tax subsidies on charitable giving. Based on statistical estimates of the responsiveness of individual giving to tax subsidies, a decrease in individual giving of around 3% to 4% might be expected from the 2017 tax revision. Limitations in the data make the effect on estates difficult to estimate, but it could be a decrease of up to 8%; the small share of bequests in total giving, however, would lead even that effect to reduce overall charitable giving by less than 1%. A number of policy options could be considered with respect to the tax treatment of charitable giving or the tax treatment of charitable entities. The charitable deduction could be modified in ways that could extend charitable giving incentives to taxpayers not itemizing deductions, or with the intent of making charitable giving tax incentives more effective (inducing more giving for each dollar of lost federal tax revenue). There are also options related to the type of treatment of certain types of gifts, such as appreciated property or charitable miles driven. Some proposals have also been made to address concerns about aspects of certain charitable organizations, such as payouts by DAFs and university endowments. Some proposals would reverse certain changes made by the 2017 tax revision to the unrelated business income tax (UBIT) or impose administrative reforms.


The federal income tax treatment of the family is affected by several major structural elements applicable to all taxpayers: amounts deductible from taxable income through standard deductions, personal exemptions, and itemized deductions; the rate structure (which varies across taxpayer types); the earned income credit and the child credit; and the alternative minimum tax. Some of these provisions only affect high-income families and some only low-income families, but they are the tax code's fundamental structural features. They lead to varying tax burdens on families depending on whether the family is headed by a married couple or a single individual, whether children are in the family, and the number of children if so. These provisions also affect the degree to which taxes change when a couple marries or divorces. The 2017 tax revision ( P.L. 115-97 , popularly known as the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act) changed many of these fundamental provisions, although those changes are scheduled to expire after 2025. This report examines these temporary changes and how they affect families. The prior provisions (which will return absent legislative changes) are discussed in CRS Report RL33755, Feder a l Income Tax Treatment of the Family , by Jane G. Gravelle, which also includes the historical development of family-related provisions and some of the justifications for differentiating across families, especially with respect to the number of children. The 2017 tax revision effectively eliminated personal exemptions claimed for the taxpayer, their spouse (if married), and any dependent (often referred to as the dependent exemption ). However, the increased standard deduction more than offset these losses for taxpayers (and their spouses, if married). In addition, for many taxpayers, the increased child credit more than offset the losses from the eliminated dependent exemption. The tax revision also lowered rates for all three types of tax returns (joint, single, and head of household), although the effects were more pronounced for joint returns. In general, the changes retain significant aspects of prior law. The income tax code after the 2017 tax revision remains progressive across income levels for any given type of family, although effective tax rates are slightly lower. Among families with the same ability to pay (using a measure that estimates how much additional income families need to attain the same standard of living as their size increases), families with children are still favored at the lower end of the income scale, whereas families with children are still penalized at the higher end of the scale. This favorable treatment toward families with children is extended further up into the middle-income level under the 2017 revisions due to the changes in the child credit. The tax system is largely characterized by marriage bonuses (lower taxes when a couple marries than their combined tax bill as singles) through most of the income distribution, although marriage penalties still exist at the bottom (due to the earned income credit) and top (due to the rate structure) of the income distribution. The penalties at the top appear to be somewhat smaller in the new law due to changes in the rate structure and lower tax rates.


The federal individual income tax is structured so that the poor owe little or no income tax. In addition, the federal individual income tax (hereinafter referred to simply as the income tax) increases the disposable income of many poor families via refundable tax creditsâprimarily the earned income tax credit (EITC) and the refundable portion of the child tax credit, referred to as the additional child tax credit, or ACTC. These credits are explicitly designed to benefit low-income families with workers and children and can significantly boost families' disposable income, lifting many of these families above the poverty line. Using the federal government's Supplemental Poverty Measure (SPM), CRS estimates that under current law, the income tax reduced total poverty by 15% (from 14.5% in poverty to 12.3% in poverty). The impact of the income tax on the overall poverty rate was larger than the impact of many needs-tested benefits programs targeted toward the poor. In contrast, the income tax's ability to lift the poorest Americans out of povertyâto reduce the "poverty gap"âwas limited in comparison to many needs-tested programs. (The poverty gap is the difference between the poverty threshold and a family's disposable income, aggregated over all poor families, and is a measure of the degree of poverty.) CRS estimates that under current law, the income tax reduced the poverty gap by about $13.9 billion annually (from $150.8 billion to $136.9 billion), approximately half the effect of other needs-tested programs. Virtually all of the poverty reduction from the income taxâboth in terms of reducing poverty rates and the poverty gapâwas concentrated among families with children and workers. For example, CRS estimates that poverty among children who lived in families with workers fell by almost 40% (from 14.7% in poverty to 8.9% in poverty) as a result of the income tax. For nonaged (i.e., nonelderly) adults in families with children and workers, poverty fell by almost a third (from 12.3% in poverty to 8.3% in poverty). (In contrast, CRS estimates that the poverty rates among individuals who lived in families with no workers were unchanged by the income tax.) Similarly, all of the estimated $13.9 billion in poverty gap reduction from the current income tax occurred among families with children and workers. The current income tax includes the effects of legislative changes made by P.L. 115-97 , commonly referred to as the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act (TCJA). The TCJA made numerous changes to the federal income tax system, including many that affect individuals and families. A comparison of the effect of the current income tax (i.e., the post-TCJA income tax) and the pre-TCJA income tax on poverty rates and the poverty gap (assuming all else unchanged) provides one measure of the law's impact on poverty. CRS estimates suggest that the TCJA marginally reduced poverty rates and the poverty gap, with the impact of the post-TCJA income tax similar to the impact of the pre-TCJA income tax. This suggests the law provided relatively small benefits to poor families. Insofar as policymakers are interested in expanding the antipoverty impact of the income tax, they could expand or modify the EITC or ACTC, or create new refundable tax credits targeted toward the poor. However, refundable tax credits are subject to several limitations as a poverty reduction policy: the current credits primarily benefit those who work (and have children), limiting their ability to reduce poverty among those who do not or cannot work; they are received only once a year when income tax returns are filed, limiting their ability to help the poor meet ongoing basic needs; and they are difficult for the IRS to administer, subjecting the credits and their recipients to additional scrutiny.


The federal public transportation program is currently authorized through FY2020 as part of the Fixing America's Surface Transportation (FAST) Act ( P.L. 114-94 ). This report highlights several major issues that may arise as Congress considers program reauthorization. Public transportation includes local buses, subways, commuter rail, light rail, paratransit (often service for the elderly and disabled using small buses and vans), and ferryboat, but excludes Amtrak, intercity buses, and school buses. The FAST Act authorized $61.1 billion for five fiscal years beginning in FY2016, an average of $12.2 billion per year. Of the total amount, 80% was authorized from the mass transit account of the Highway Trust Fund, and 20% was authorized from the general fund of the U.S. Treasury. Most federal funding from the mass transit account is distributed to transit agencies through formula programs. Most of the general funding authorized is for the Capital Investment Grants (CIG) Program, also known as New Starts, which provides discretionary funding for large capital projects to create and extend rail and bus rapid transit systems. Reauthorization issues discussed in this report include the following: Funding levels and the solvency of the mass transit account . Annual spending from the mass transit account is projected to exceed annual revenues by about $5 billion through FY2025. Bringing receipts and expenditures into balance would require a cut in spending of the federal transit program, an increase in revenues paid into the account, or a combination of the two. Revenue options include increasing taxes that are dedicated to the mass transit accounts and transferring money from the general fund. C hanges to two federal loan programs that may be used for transit capital expenditures , t he Transportation Infrastructure Finance and Innovation Act (TIFIA) program and the Railroad Rehabilitation and Infrastructure Finance (RRIF) program . Issues include TIFIA's share of project costs, the speed and cost of obtaining a loan, and the authorization of federal funding to pay the credit risk premium of RRIF loans. Declining public transportation ridership . Options include linking federal formula funds to transit agencies' success in boosting ridership; redirecting CIG funding from building new rail facilities to refurbishing lines in dense cities where rail transit currently carries large numbers of riders; and funding research projects to explore partnerships between transit agencies and firms offering new mobility options such as ridesharing and bike sharing. F unding the CIG program . CIG has been proposed as a major source of funding for the Gateway Program, which is intended to build new rail tunnels and repair existing tunnels between New Jersey and New York. The amount sought for the Gateway Program is equal to several years of funding for CIG, at recent funding levels, and could overwhelm a program that is responsible for aiding projects throughout the country. Public transportation and climate change. Congress may consider how to reduce greenhouse gas emissions from surface transportation and adaptation provisions that aim to make the public transportation system more resilient. Options considered might include dedicated funding for resilience projects and greater funding for buying low and no emission buses. Buy America . This law places domestic content restrictions on federally funded transportation projects, including procurement of rolling stock. Issues that might arise include the share of components and subcomponents that have to be domestically sourced, the availability of waivers, and the standardization of requirements across modes.


The federal research and development (R&D) enterprise is a large and complex system that includes government facilities and employees as well as federally funded work in industry, academia, and the nonprofit sector. The nation's response to the Coronavirus Disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic is affecting the federal R&D enterprise, and the federal government and others are trying to address those effects. A number of congressional and other policy issues may arise as the situation develops. Implementation of social distancing guidelines had led many laboratories and R&D projects to close. Where possible, researchers have continued to work remotely, but R&D often requires physical access to unique facilities and equipment. Institutions have faced decisions about which projectsâsuch as research on COVID-19 itselfâare sufficiently essential that they should continue. Many scientific and technical conferences have also been cancelled, with consequences for the sharing and advancement of knowledge and for the conference organizers, which are now often faced with substantial cancellation costs. In some cases, conferences are continuing virtually. Even for continuing R&D projects, there may be efficiency and quality impacts, additional costs, and challenges such as the closure of suppliers and service providers. Some resources dedicated to ongoing R&D are also being redirected toward work focused on COVID-19. Other potential effects of the pandemic include unplanned costs for the shutdown and restarting of R&D projects that are suspended, delays in the availability of major new R&D equipment, the loss of anticipated revenues by some federal R&D agencies, uncertainty about the future stability of federal R&D funding if COVID-19 affects the government's fiscal situation, and impacts on the graduation schedules and career prospects of students, postdoctoral researchers, and early-career faculty whose research is interrupted. Federal actions to date to address these challenges include a wide variety of government-wide and agency-specific policy changes to accommodate the R&D community's needs and provide agencies with additional flexibilities, as well as legislation enacted by Congress to provide supplemental funding for R&D and for R&D organizations affected by closures, and to provide new authorities to agencies. Groups representing R&D organizations in industry and academia have proposed a variety of additional steps, including further increases in funding for the federal R&D agencies, more flexibility in the expenses that can be paid using federal R&D awards, and other support for R&D organizations in the form of loans, grants, and tax changes. As the near-term and long-term effects of COVID-19 on the nation's R&D enterprise become more apparent, Congress may seek to monitor those effects, develop a deeper understanding of their implications, and consider whether additional legislative actions are necessary.


The federal workforce is critical to federal agencies' ability to address the complex social, economic, and security challenges facing the country. However, the federal government faces long-standing challenges in strategically managing its workforce. We first added federal strategic human capital management to our list of high-risk government programs and operations in 2001. Although Congress, OPM, and individual agencies have made improvements since then, federal human capital management remains a high-risk area because mission-critical skills gaps within the federal workforce pose a high risk to the nation. This testimony focuses on (1) key hiring and other human capital management challenges facing federal agencies, and (2) talent management strategies identified from GAO's prior work that agencies can use to be more attractive employers in a tight labor market. This testimony is based on GAO's large body of work on federal human capital management issued primarily between July 2014 and July 2019. To conduct these studies, GAO reviewed government-wide employment data and interviewed officials from OPM and subject matter specialists from think tanks, academia, government employee unions, and other areas. Outmoded approaches to personnel functions such as job classification, pay, and performance management are hampering the ability of agencies to recruit, retain, and develop employees. At the same time, agency operations are being deeply affected by a set of evolving trends in federal work, including how work is done and the skills that employees need to accomplish agency missions. Given these challenges and trends, federal agencies will need to apply talent management strategies such as the following: Align human capital strategy with current and future mission requirements. Agencies need to identify the knowledge and skills necessary to respond to current and future demands. Key practices include identifying and assessing existing skills, competencies, and skills gaps. Acquire and assign talent. To ensure the appropriate capacity exists to address evolving mission requirements, agencies can use internships, cultivate a diverse talent pipeline, highlight their respective missions, and recruit early in the school year. Incentivize and compensate employees. While agencies may struggle to offer competitive pay in certain labor markets, they can leverage existing incentives that appeal to workers' desire to set a schedule and to work in locations that provide work-life balance. Engage employees. Engaged employees are more productive and less likely to leave, according to the Office of Personnel Management (OPM). Agencies can better ensure their employees are engaged by managing their performance, involving them in decisions, and providing staff development.


The financial services industry is a major source of employment that affects the economic well-being of its customers and the country as a whole. As the makeup of the U.S. workforce continues to diversify, many private sector organizations, including those in the financial services industry, have recognized the importance of recruiting and retaining minorities and women in key positions to improve business or organizational performance and better meet the needs of a diverse customer base. However, questions remain about the diversity of the workforce in the financial services industry. This statement is based on GAO's November 2017 report on changes in management-level diversity and diversity practices in the financial services industry. This statement summarizes (1) trends in management-level diversity in the financial services industry, (2) trends in diversity among potential talent pools, and (3) challenges financial services firms identified in trying to increase workforce diversity and practices they have used to address those challenges. In November 2017, GAO reported that overall management representation in the financial services industry increased marginally for minorities and remained unchanged for women from 2007 to 2015. Similar trends also occurred at the senior-level management of these firms. For example, women represented about 29 percent of senior-level managers throughout this time period. As shown below, representation of minorities in senior management increased slightly, but each racial/ethnic group changed by less than 1 percentage point. The diversity of overall management also varied across the different sectors of the financial services industry. For example, the banking sector consistently had the greatest representation of minorities in overall management, whereas the insurance sector consistently had the highest proportion of women in overall management. As GAO reported in November 2017, potential employees for the financial services industry, including those that could become managers, come from external and internal pools that are diverse. For example, the external pool included those with undergraduate or graduate degrees, such as a Master of Business Administration. In 2015, one-third of the external pool were minorities and around 60 percent were women. The internal talent pool for potential managers included those already in professional positions. In 2015, about 28 percent of professional positions in financial services were held by minorities and just over half were held by women. Representatives of financial services firms and other stakeholders GAO spoke to for its November 2017 report described challenges to recruiting and retaining members of racial/ethnic minority groups and women. They also identified practices that could help address those challenges. For example, representatives from several firms noted that an effective practice is to recruit and hire students from a broad group of schools and academic disciplines. Some firms also described establishing management-level accountability to achieve workforce diversity goals. Firm representatives and other stakeholders agreed that it is important for firms to assess data on the diversity of their employees but varied in their views on whether such information should be shared publicly.


The funding of public elementary and secondary schools in the United States involves a combination of local, state, and federal government revenues, in proportions that vary substantially both across and within states. According to the most recent data, state governments provide 47.0% of these revenues, local governments provide 44.8%, and the federal government provides 8.3%. Over the last several decades, the share of public elementary and secondary education revenues provided by state governments has increased, the share provided by local governments has decreased, and the federal share has varied within a range of 6.0% to 12.7%. The primary source of local revenues for public elementary and secondary education is the property tax, while state revenues are raised from a variety of sources, primarily personal and corporate income and retail sales taxes, a variety of "excise" taxes such as those on tobacco products and alcoholic beverages, and lotteries in several states. All states (but not the District of Columbia) provide a share of the total revenues available for public elementary and secondary education. This state share varies widely, from approximately 25% in Illinois to almost 90% in Hawaii and Vermont. The programs through which state funds are provided to local educational agencies (LEAs) for public elementary and secondary education have traditionally been categorized into five types: (1) Foundation Programs, (2) Full State Funding Programs, (3) Flat Grants, (4) District Power Equalizing, and (5) Categorical Grants. Of these, Foundation Programs are most common, although many states use a combination of program types. A goal of all of the various types of state school finance programs is to provide at least some limited degree of "equalization" of spending and resources, and/or local ability to raise funds, for public elementary and secondary education across all of the LEAs in the state. Such programs often establish target levels of funding "per pupil." The "pupil" counts involved in these programs may simply be based on total student enrollment as of some point in time, or they may be a "weighted" count of students, taking into account variations in a number of categoriesâspecial pupil needs (e.g., disabilities, low family income, limited proficiency in English), grade levels, specific educational programs (e.g., career and technical education), or geographic considerations (e.g., student population sparsity or local variation in costs of providing education). After state funds reach LEAs, they are combined with locally raised funds to provide educational resources to students in individual schools. Under the traditional, and still most common, method of allocating resources within LEAs, there are no specific budgets for individual schools. Available state and local funds are managed centrally, by LEA staff, and various resourcesâfacilities, teachers, support staff, school administrators, instructional equipment, etc.âare assigned to individual schools. In contrast, a number of LEAs have in recent years applied the weighted student funding concept to developing and implementing individual school budgets. The federal Elementary and Secondary Education Act (ESEA) includes one program (Title I-A) and one secretarial authority (Title I-E) that incorporate elements of the equalization and weighted student funding strategies used by states and LEAs. Two of the four ESEA Title I-A allocation formulas employ pupil weighting concepts in the allocation of funds to states and LEAs, and one of those formulas also takes into consideration disparities in expenditures per pupil among each state's LEAs in calculating grants. The ESEA Title I-E authority allows the Secretary of Education to enter into a demonstration agreement with LEAs that are using or agree to implement weighted student funding systems to establish budgets for, and allocate funds to, individual schools. A separate development relevant to many aspects of public elementary and secondary education finance has been increasing interest in the collection and reporting of school-level finance data for public schools. While historically there have not been comprehensive state or federal efforts to calculate or report on specific budgets or expenditure levels for individual public schools, federal efforts to require and support the reporting of such information have expanded rapidly in recent years.


The global carbon cycle is the process by which the element carbon moves between the air, land, ocean, and Earth's crust. The movement of increasing amounts of carbon into the atmosphere, particularly as greenhouse gases, is the dominant contributor to the observed warming trend in global temperatures. Forests are a significant part of the global carbon cycle, because they contain the largest store of terrestrial (land-based) carbon and continuously transfer carbon between the terrestrial biosphere and the atmosphere. Consequently, forest carbon optimization and management strategies are often included in climate mitigation policy proposals. The forest carbon cycle starts with the sequestration and accumulation of atmospheric carbon due to tree growth. The accumulated carbon is stored in five different pools in the forest ecosystem: aboveground biomass (e.g., leaves, trunks, limbs), belowground biomass (e.g., roots), deadwood, litter (e.g., fallen leaves, stems), and soils. As trees or parts of trees die, the carbon cycles through those different pools, from the living biomass pools to the deadwood, litter, and soil pools. The length of time carbon stays in each pool varies considerably, ranging from months (litter) to millennia (soil). The cycle continues as carbon flows out of the forest ecosystem and returns to the atmosphere through several processes, including respiration, combustion, and decomposition. Carbon also leaves the forest ecosystem through timber harvests, by which it enters the product pool . This carbon is stored in harvested wood products (HWPs) while the products are in use but eventually will return to the atmosphere upon the wood products' disposal and eventual decomposition, which could take several decades or more. In total, there are seven pools of forest carbon: five in the forest ecosystem and two in the product pool (HWPs in use and HWPs in disposal sites). Carbon is always moving through the pools of forested ecosystems (known as carbon flux ). The size of the various pools and the rate at which carbon moves through them vary considerably over time. The amount of carbon sequestered in a forest relative to the amount of carbon that forest releases into the atmosphere is constantly changing with tree growth, death, and decomposition. If the total amount of carbon released into the atmosphere by a given forest over a given period is greater than the amount of carbon sequestered in that forest, the forest is a net source of carbon emissions. If the forest sequesters more carbon than it releases into the atmosphere, the forest is a net sink of carbon. These forest carbon dynamics are driven in large part by different anthropogenic and ecological disturbances . Anthropogenic disturbances are planned activities, such as timber harvests, whereas ecological disturbances are unplanned, such as weather events (e.g., hurricanes, droughts), insect and disease infestations, and wildfires. Generally, disturbances result in tree mortality, causing the transfer of carbon from the living pools to the deadwood, litter, soil, and product pools, and/or eventually to the atmosphere. If a disturbed site regenerates as forest, the carbon releases caused by the disturbance generally are offset over time. If, however, the site changes to a different land use (e.g., agriculture), the carbon releases may not be offset. The U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) measures forest carbon annually using data collected by the Forest Inventory and Analysis Program in the U.S. Forest Service. According to EPA, U.S. forest carbon stocks contained 58.7 billion metric tons (BMT) of carbon in 2019 across the seven pools, the majority of which was stored in soil (54%). The aboveground biomass pool stored the next-largest portion of forest carbon stocks (26%). The pools' relative size varies considerably across U.S. forests, however. EPA estimates that, for the forest carbon flux, U.S. forests were a net sink of carbon, having sequestered 221 million metric tons (MMT) of carbon in 2018âan offset of approximately 12% of the gross annual greenhouse gas emissions from the United States for the year. The net sink reflects carbon accumulation on existing forestland and carbon accumulation associated with land converted to forestland within the past 20 years. Within the carbon pools, most of the annual flux is associated with aboveground biomass (58%). In general, the annual net flux of carbon into U.S. forests is small relative to the amount of carbon they store (e.g., 221 MMT of carbon is 0.3% of the 58.7 BMT of total carbon stored in U.S. forests in 2019). There are three primary strategic approaches for optimizing forest carbon sequestration and storage: (1) maintain and increase the area of forestland, (2) maintain and increase forest carbon stocks, and (3) increase the use of wood products as an alternative to more carbon-intensive materials or as a fuel. In many cases, optimizing carbon sequestration and storage may compete with other forest management objectives and require tradeoffs. As such, the applicability of each approach will vary, depending on existing site characteristics and other objectives. In addition, each of these approaches comes with varying levels of uncertainty related to effectiveness and potential for co-benefits. All of these considerations are in the context of the uncertainty related to the future effects of changing climatic conditions on forests broadly.


Beneficial ownership refers to the natural person or persons who invest in, control, or otherwise reap gains from an asset, such as a bank account, real estate property, company, or trust. In some cases, an asset's beneficial owner may not be listed in public records or disclosed to federal authorities as the legal owner. For some years, the United States has been criticized by international bodies for gaps in the U.S. anti-money laundering system related to a lack of systematic beneficial ownership disclosure. While beneficial ownership information is relevant to several types of assets, attention has focused on the beneficial ownership of companies, and in particular, the use of so-called "shell companies" to purchase assets, such as real property, and to store and move money, including through bank accounts and wire transfers. While such companies may be created for a legitimate purpose, there are also concerns that the use of some of these companies can facilitate crimes, such as money laundering. In the United States, corporations and other legal entities such as limited liability companies (LLCs) and partnerships are formed at the state level, not the federal level. Corporation laws vary from state to state, and most or all states do not collect, verify, and update identifying information on beneficial owners. The U.S. government has long recognized the ability to create legal entities without accurate beneficial ownership information as a key vulnerability of the U.S. financial system. In 2006, the U.S. Government Accountability Office (GAO) published a report entitled Company Formations: Minimal Ownership Information I s Collected and Available , which described the challenges of collecting beneficial owner data at the state level. The U.S. Department of the Treasury's 2015 National Money Laundering Risk Assessment and its 2018 update identify the misuse of legal entities as a key vulnerability in the banking and securities sectors. The 2018 risk assessment additionally clarified that such vulnerability is further compounded by shell companies' ability to transfer funds to other overseas entities. Such ongoing vulnerabilities have placed the United States under domestic and international pressure, including from the international Financial Action Task Force (FATF), to tighten its anti-money laundering and countering the financing of terrorism (AML/CFT) regime with respect to beneficial ownership disclosure requirements. In its 2016 review of the U.S. government's AML/CFT regime, FATF noted that the "lack of timely access to â¦ beneficial ownership information remains one of the most fundamental gaps in the U.S. context." According to FATF, this gap exacerbates U.S. vulnerability to money laundering by preventing law enforcement from efficiently obtaining such information during the course of investigations. Recent U.S. regulatory efforts and legislation have focused in particular on beneficial ownership disclosure related to the use of shell companies with hidden owners in the banking and real estate sectors. Recent federal regulatory tools include Treasury's Customer Due Diligence (CDD) rule and use of Geographic Targeting Orders (GTOs). Under the CDD Rule, effective since May 2018, certain U.S. financial institutions must establish and maintain procedures to identify and verify the beneficial owners of legal entities that open new accounts. The regulation covers financial institutions that are required to develop AML programs, including, banks, securities brokers and dealers, mutual funds, futures commission merchants, and commodities brokers. Covered financial institutions must collect identifying information on individuals who own 25% or more of legal entities. Since January 2016, Treasury's Financial Crimes Enforcement Network (FinCEN) has issued GTOs to require certain title insurance companies to collect and report identifying information about the beneficial owners of legal entities that conduct certain types of high-end residential real estate purchases. A number of legislative proposals have been introduced related to beneficial ownership disclosure in the 116 th Congress. Some of these legislative proposals, such as H.R. 2513 and S. 1889 , seek in various ways to impose certain duties on those who form corporations, LLCs, partnerships, or other legal entities to disclose their beneficial owners. These proposals would also mandate that such information be more readily available to authorities (such as federal and state law enforcement and regulatory agencies).


The global pandemic of Coronavirus Disease 2019 (COVID-19) is affecting communities around the world and throughout the United States, with case counts growing daily. Containment and mitigation efforts by federal, state, and local governments have been undertaken to "flatten the curve"âthat is, to slow widespread transmission that could overwhelm the nation's health care system. The Families First Coronavirus Response Act (FFCRA, P.L. 116-127 ) was enacted on March 18, 2020. It is the second of three comprehensive laws enacted in March specifically to support the response to the pandemic. The FFCRA, among other things, increases appropriations to the Department of Defense, the Indian Health Service, the Department of Health and Human Services Public Health and Social Services Emergency Fund, and the Veterans Health Administration for testing and ancillary services associated with the SARS-Co V-2 virus, that virus that causes COVID-19 disease. Beginning on the date of enactment through any portion of the COVID-19 public health emergency (declared pursuant to Section 319 of the Public Health Service Act), the FFCRA provides payment for or requires coverage of testing for the COVID-19 virus, and items and services associated with such testing, such as supplies and office visits, without any cost sharing, for individuals who are covered under Medicare, including Medicare Advantage, traditional Medicaid, CHIP, TRICARE, Veterans healthcare, the Federal Employees Health Benefits (FEHB) Program, most types of private health insurance plans, the Indian Health Service, and individuals who are uninsured (as defined under FFCRA). It prohibits private health insurance plans and Medicare Advantage plans from employing utilization management tools, such as prior authorization, for the COVID-19 test, or the visit to furnish it. In addition, FFCRA provides for an increase to all states, the District of Columbia, and territories in the share of Medicaid expenditures financed by the federal government, subject to specific requirements. It provides additional Medicaid funding to territories. FFCRA modifies requirements related to waiving certain Medicare telehealth restrictions during the emergency. Finally, FFCRA waives liability, with a narrow exception, for manufacturers, distributors, or providers of specified respiratory protective devices used for COVID-19 response.


The global pandemic of Coronavirus Disease 2019 (COVID-19) is affecting communities around the world and throughout the United States, with the number of confirmed cases and fatalities growing daily. Containment and mitigation efforts by U.S. federal, state, and local governments have been undertaken to "flatten the curve"âthat is, to slow the widespread transmission that could overwhelm the nation's health care system. The Coronavirus Aid, Relief, and Economic Security Act (CARES Act, P.L. 116-136 ) was enacted on March 27, 2020. It is the third comprehensive law enacted in 2020 to address the pandemic. In addition to a number of broad health care provisions, the CARES Act provides additional supplemental appropriations to support federal response efforts and authorizes a number of economic stimulus measures, among other things. This report describes the majority of health-related sections in Division A, Title III, of the CARES Act, "Supporting America's Health Care System in the Fight Against the Coronavirus." Relevant background is provided for context. Specifically, this report describes provisions regarding, among other things, the following: The availability of medical countermeasures (MCMs)âdrugs, tests, treatments, medical devices, and supplies such as personal protective equipment (PPE)âincluding research and development; product regulation by the Food and Drug Administration (FDA); the Strategic National Stockpile (SNS); and other supply chain matters. The health workforce, including telehealth programs, the rural health care system, and the Commissioned Corps of the U.S. Public Health Service (USPHS). Additional workforce provisions described in this report include reauthorization and extension of appropriations for existing HHS health workforce programs, and liability limitation. Provisions addressed at the Medicare and Medicaid programs and on private health insurance plans that temporarily require, or increase payment for, telehealth services and specified services related to COVID-19 testing, diagnosis, or treatment. A newly established FDA authority for over-the-counter (OTC) drug review. This report does not address education or labor provisions in Subtitle B or C in Part IV of Title III, or provisions in Subtitle E of Part IV of Title III, "Health and Human Services Extenders," which are described in other CRS reports. The report also does not include Division B of the act, which provides emergency supplemental appropriations for the COVID-19 response. The Appendix catalogues deadlines, effective dates, and reporting requirements for provisions described in the report. This report is intended to reflect the CARES Act at enactment (i.e., March 27, 2020). It does not track the law's implementation or funding and will not be updated.


The global terrorist threat to surface transportation–freight and passenger rail, mass transit, highway, maritime and pipeline systems–has increased in recent years, as demonstrated by a 2016 thwarted attack on mass transit in New Jersey and the 2017 London vehicle attacks. TSA is the primary federal agency responsible for securing surface transportation in the United States. The FAA Reauthorization Act of 2018 includes a provision that GAO review resources provided to TSA surface transportation programs and the coordination between relevant entities related to surface transportation security. This report addresses TSA's: (1) allocation of resources to surface transportation programs for fiscal years 2017 and 2018; and (2) coordination within TSA to implement the Intermodal Security Training and Exercise Program. GAO analyzed TSA data on surface program resources for fiscal years 2017 and 2018, reviewed TSA program guidance, and interviewed TSA officials responsible for implementing the Intermodal Security Training and Exercise Program. This program is intended to assist transportation operators and others in enhancing security through exercises and training. Transportation Security Administration (TSA) reported allocating most of its surface transportation program account, which was $123 million in fiscal year 2017 and $129 million in fiscal year 2018--to three offices (see figure). The surface program account represented about 1.6 percent of the agency's appropriation in both fiscal years, according to Department of Homeland Security data. Security Operations is to conduct regulatory inspections for freight and passenger rail systems, non-regulatory security assessments, and voluntary training. Law Enforcement/Federal Air Marshal Service is to administer the Visible Intermodal Prevention and Response (VIPR) Program to augment the security of and promote confidence in surface transportation systems. Policy, Plans, and Engagement (PPE) is to develop and coordinate security policies, programs, directives, strategies, and initiatives, while overseeing industry engagement. In fiscal years 2017 through 2019, TSA reported using surface program resources for non-surface activities. For example, in fiscal year 2018, TSA reprogrammed $5 million from the Surface Programs account to the Mission Support account to address security requirements and increase hiring of transportation security officers. In that same year, about 39 percent of VIPR operations were conducted in aviation security. TSA has not fully identified coordination roles and responsibilities for its training and exercise program for offices outside of PPE—the office with primary responsibility for the program. PPE coordinates with several other offices to accomplish the program's goals, including the Intelligence and Analysis (I&A) office that provides intelligence briefings that give background context during program exercises. I&A officials explained that while they have supported exercise planning, there is no formal role for the office in the procedure or expected time frames for providing information. As a result, I&A officials stated that they do not typically participate in the PPE planning meetings because they are not consistently invited to attend. In the absence of a policy that clearly defines all current offices that should coordinate and when, PPE may be missing consistent input and important information from relevant offices across TSA.


The government's RTF policy has intensified federal efforts to reduce office space and save money since 2015. GSA and OMB report key cost performance measures but questions exist about how well these measures reflect agencies' efforts. GAO was asked to review how federal real property costs have changed since 2015. This report examines (1) the extent to which performance measures reflect changes in civilian CFO Act agencies' office space costs and (2) how selected agencies considered cost in their office space decisions. To conduct this work, GAO analyzed federal data on office space square footage and cost changes for the 23 civilian CFO Act agencies from fiscal years 2015 through 2018, and reviewed GSA's and OMB's calculations for cost performance measures. GAO selected five agencies and 13 of their office space projects as non-generalizable case studies based on several factors, including those with larger space and cost changes. GAO reviewed the selected agencies' policies and project documentation, and interviewed agency officials. The Office of Management and Budget (OMB) issued the Reduce the Footprint (RTF) policy in 2015 to promote the more efficent use of federal space. The General Services Administration (GSA) and OMB track and report two RTF cost performance measures: estimated costs avoided and average cost per square foot. GAO found that the method for estimating costs avoided was reasonable. However, the average cost per square foot was not accurate for the federally-owned and leased office space GSA manages for agencies. Specifically, GAO found that from fiscal years 2015 through 2018 the actual average cost per square foot for this space was, on average, $1.31 per square foot higher than the costs GSA and OMB reported for the 23 civilian agencies subject to the Chief Financial Officers (CFO) Act. The actual cost per square foot was higher for 18 out of 23 of these agencies (see figure). Because GSA and OMB did not use readily available actual cost data, their method, which is based on 1 month's data, excluded an average of $271 million per year in costs over this period. Consequently, stakeholders and agencies do not have accurate information to assess agencies' performance or help manage their space decisions. Note: This information covers the 23 Civilian Chief Financial Officers Act agencies. While selected agencies considered costs when making office space decisions, they balanced other factors as well. As the federal government's principal landlord, GSA obtains space for many agencies. In so doing, it emphasizes federal cost savings, which may not lead to agency savings. For example, GSA prioritized filling unoccupied federally-managed space even if it was more costly to an agency than another option. The selected agencies also reported that factors such as mission, workforce needs, and external factors are important to consider and balance as well. For example, a senior official from the Department of Education said that effects on employees' commutes are an important factor in its space decisions, and that it weighs the impact of potential office locations on the Department's workforce against the cost of the space.


The idea that individuals should have the opportunity to economically advance beyond the circumstances of their birth is a familiar element of the American Dream. In an economically mobile society, it is possible for individuals to improve their economic circumstances through effort, education, investment, and talent. In addition to opportunities through the private, public, and nonprofit sectors, the federal government also promotes economic mobility through many efforts, including supporting education, job training, business incentives and development, and child health and well-being programs. However, a recent survey indicates that over approximately the last two decades fewer people report being satisfied with the opportunity to get ahead by working hard. According to recent studies, the Millennial generation, who comprise the largest portion of the American workforce, report feeling overwhelmed by their financial situation and concerned about their future financial security. GAO was asked to review trends in economic mobility and Millennials' economic situation compared to previous generations. This report examines (1) what is known about intergenerational income mobility, and (2) how the financial circumstances of Millennials compare to previous generations. To perform this work GAO conducted an extensive literature review and analyzed data from the nationally representative Survey of Consumer Finances. Recent research indicates that, across three key measures, economic mobility in the United States is limited. Specifically, the Millennial generation (those born between 1982 and 2000) might not have the same opportunity as previous generations had to fare better economically than their parents. According to studies GAO reviewed, the share of people making more money than their parents at the same age (absolute mobility) has declined over the last 40 years, and the chances of moving up the income distribution (relative mobility) have been flat over time. Using a third measure of economic mobility (intergenerational income elasticity), researchers have found that income in adulthood is linked to how much a person's parents made, and that between one-third and two-thirds of economic status is passed down from parents to children. This is especially true of the lowest and highest income groups. Researchers also identified race and geography as key determinants of an individual's economic mobility. Millennials have different financial circumstances than Generation X (born 1965-1981) and Baby Boomers (born 1946-1964), and in light of flat or declining economic mobility, there is uncertainty about how they will fare financially as they age. A snapshot of data that allowed GAO to compare Millennials aged 25-34 to the previous two generations at similar ages showed that Millennial households were more likely than other generations to be college educated; however, incomes have remained flat across the three generations, implying that Millennials have not yet benefited from the potential additional lifetime income earned by college graduates. Millennial households had significantly lower median and average net worth than Generation X households at similar ages (see figure), especially among those with low net worth. Median net worth for the lowest quartile of Baby Boomers and Generation X was around zero, but it was substantially negative for Millennials, indicating that debt was greater than assets for the median low net worth Millennial household. Regarding assets, a significantly lower percentage of Millennials owned homes compared to previous generations at similar ages, but had retirement resources at rates comparable to Generation X and Baby Boomers. Finally, Millennials were more likely to have student loan debt that exceeded their annual income. It remains to be seen how these factors will affect Millennials' financial circumstances in the long run, including retirement.