Introduction Economic factors, new technologies, environmental concerns and associated regulatory policies, and other developments are changing the energy sources used to generate electricity in the United States. One notable change is increased generation from variable renewable energy (VRE) sources such as wind and solar. According to the U.S. Energy Information Administration (EIA), combined generation from wind and solar sources increased from 1% of total electricity generation in 2008 to 9% of total electricity generation in 2018. These sources have weather-dependent availability, meaning that changing weather patterns can change available electricity supply from those sources. In contrast, conventional sources for electricity generation, such as coal, natural gas, or nuclear energy, are usually available under normal weather conditions. Power system operators have adjusted existing reliability standards and planning practices to accommodate weather-dependent wind and solar sources. Further adjustments are being discussed as generation from wind and solar sources continue to grow. Congress required the setting and enforcement of electric reliability standards in the Energy Policy Act of 2005 (EPACT05; P.L. 109-58 ). These standards are developed by the North American Electric Reliability Corporation (NERC) and approved by the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (FERC) in the United States. These mandatory standards apply to the bulk power system, which is comprised mostly of large-scale generators and electricity transmission systems. Small-scale generators (e.g., rooftop solar electricity generation), publicly owned utilities, and local electricity distribution systems are generally under the jurisdiction of state public utility regulatory commissions (PUCs). To date, generation from wind and solar sources does not appear to be causing electric reliability issues at the national level. NERC's 2018 annual report on reliability showed that, of the 13 metrics it uses to assess reliability, 9 were stable or improving over the 2013-2017 period and 4 showed trends that were, at least partly, inconclusive. Of the four metrics with inconclusive trends, three improved over this period for a subset of bulk power system components. Data from NERC also indicate that reliability performance is currently stable in regions such as the Midwest and California where the shares of generation from wind and solar sources are above the national average. Questions remain about how higher levels of generation from wind and solar sources might impact electric reliability moving forward. This report provides background on reliability planning in the United States with an emphasis on the effects of daily and seasonal variability in wind and solar sources on the bulk power system. Members of Congress might consider how reliability could be impacted if generation from wind and solar sources increases, as many analysts expect. Other reliability concerns, such as cyber and physical security, small-scale generators, and local distribution networks, may be of interest to Congress but are not discussed at length in this report. Electric Power Sector Overview As shown in Figure 1 the electric power sector consists primarily of three systems. The generation system consists of power plants that generate electricity. The transmission system consists of high voltage transmission lines that move power across long distances. The distribution systems make final delivery of electricity to homes and businesses. This report will refer to the combined generation and transmission systems as the bulk power system, following the definition Congress established in EPACT05: The term "bulk-power system" meansâ(a) facilities and control systems necessary for operating an interconnected electric energy transmission network (or any portion thereof); and (b) electric energy from generation facilities needed to maintain transmission system reliability. The term does not include facilities used in the local distribution of electric energy. Notably, the discussion in this report generally excludes distributed energy resources such as rooftop solar electricity generation. These resources might pose separate reliability challenges that Congress might choose to consider. Ownership structures for bulk power system components vary across the country. In some regions, shown in Figure 2 , competitive markets exist for wholesale electric power, and regional transmission organizations (RTOs) and independent system operators (ISOs) manage the generation and transmission components of the power system. In RTO regions, electricity generators compete to sell power to distribution utilities. The RTO manages an auction process to select the sources for generation that distribution utilities resell to end-use customers. The RTO is also responsible for managing the transmission system and overseeing reliability within its boundaries. In RTO regions, market signals primarily determine investment decisions. Some RTOs operate separate auction processes specifically for essential reliability services. According to FERC, two-thirds of U.S. electricity demand comes from RTO regions. In non-RTO regions, vertically integrated electric utilities are largely responsible for power generation, transmission, and distribution of electricity to end-use customers. These utilities are regulated as natural monopolies and, unlike utilities in RTO regions, do not face competition for generation and transmission services. These utilities may also take responsibility for some aspects of reliability as discussed in the Appendix . State regulators generally oversee these utility operations and are responsible for authorizing new investments, including those related to reliability. Even in RTO regions, municipal utilities and rural electric cooperatives may own generation and transmission system components and oversee their operation. These systems and operation are generally outside of federal and state regulatory jurisdiction. What Is Electric Reliability? A colloquial definition of electric reliability is "having power when it is needed." Operators of bulk power system components, though, require specific and highly technical definitions for reliability. For purposes of regulation, these definitions are provided in the form of NERC reliability standards. NERC develops individual standards for each set of power system components, which may include separate standards covering different reliability timescales for each set of components. As NERC defines "reliability standard," it includes requirements for the operation of existing Bulk-Power System facilities, including cybersecurity protection, and the design of planned additions or modifications to such facilities to the extent necessary to provide for Reliable Operation of the Bulk-Power System, but the term does not include any requirement to enlarge such facilities or to construct new transmission capacity or generation capacity. When all bulk power system components meet reliability standards, NERC expects the vast majority of individuals to have the full amount of electricity they desire. NERC reliability standards do not apply to local electricity distribution system components and operations (see discussion in text box, "Distribution System Reliability"), so localized outages could still occur when reliability standards are met. An analysis found that from 2008 to 2014, upwards of 90% of power outages originated in local distribution systems. This measure includes major events (e.g., hurricanes), but may not capture the full scope or severity of large-scale outages. NERC's reliability standards are meant to ensure an Adequate Level of Reliability (ALR) for the bulk power system during normal operating conditions and following localized disturbances such as lightning strikes. For economic reasons, some risk of occasional power loss is accepted in reliability planning. A common goal is to limit outages to no more than 1 day every 10 years under normal operating conditions. Achieving ALR is not the same goal as preventing all brownouts and blackouts. Bulk power system outages could still occur when reliability standards are fully met. These outages might follow a major event such as a hurricane affecting large areas of the bulk power system. Generally, factors that increase uncertainty reduce reliability, and factors that reduce uncertainty increase reliability. Wind and solar are types of variable renewable energy sources of electricity, and weather is a key source of uncertainty for forecasts of generation from these sources. In contrast, conventional sources such as coal and nuclear have long-lasting, on-site fuel supplies that reduce the uncertainty about their availability. This difference has raised questions about how to integrate large amounts of VRE sources into the existing bulk power system, since it was not originally designed to accommodate large amounts of weather-dependent sources of electricity. Figure 3 shows typical patterns for electricity generation for wind and solar sources in the United States. Wind generation tends to peak overnight and during winter months. Solar generation, on the other hand, tends to be highest during the middle of the day and during the summer. Though these typical patterns are well established for most of the United States, actual generation from wind and solar sources at any particular moment will depend upon specific weather conditions. Changing Electricity Generation Profile The electric power sector is increasing its use of sources associated with more uncertainty in availability. According to the U.S. Energy Information Administration, combined generation from wind and utility-scale solar sources increased from 1% of total electricity generation in 2008 to 8% of total electricity generation in 2018. Of the generation in 2018 from wind and utility-scale solar sources, 80% came from wind. Conventional sources such as coal, natural gas, and nuclear comprised a large majority of generation over this time period. The annual share of generation from different sources from 2008 to 2018 in shown in Figure 4 . National-level data are not indicative of how generation from wind and solar sources varies across the country. Similarly, annual data do not show how electricity generation varies throughout the day or during different seasons. For example, during brief periods in some regions, wind and solar sources have provided a majority of the energy for electricity generation. Some examples are Generation from wind sources supplied 56% of electricity demand in ERCOT, the RTO covering most of Texas, at 3:10 am on January 19, 2019. Generation from solar sources supplied 59% of electricity demand in CAISO, the RTO covering most of California, at 2:45 pm on March 16, 2019. Generation from wind supplied 67.3% of electricity demand in SPP, the RTO covering many central states, at 1:25 am on April 27, 2019. These events all set records for maximum share of generation from renewable sources, and the bulk power system maintained reliability during them. Some advocates for increased use of wind and solar sources have pointed to events like these as evidence that VRE sources can be used to an even greater degree without impacting reliability. Extrapolating these events to scenarios of correspondingly high national levels of generation from wind and solar sources, however, is complicated by several factors. First, these events were all short lived, typically five minutes or less. Further, these events all occurred when electricity demand was relatively low, namely weekend days during cool months. During times of the year when electricity demand is high, such as the summer cooling season, the share of electricity generation from renewable sources is lower. For example, SPP has reported that during its peak demand hours in 2016, wind supplied 11% of generation while conventional sources such as coal (47%) and natural gas (33%) supplied the majority of electricity. The seasonality of VRE availability also likely contributed to these record-setting events, especially for wind, which tends to have maximum generation during winter and spring months. Balancing Variable Renewable Energy Electricity is essentially generated as a just-in-time commodity, due to limited energy storage capacities. If electricity supply and demand differ by too much, system components could be damaged, leading to system instability or potential failure. The operations that keep electricity supply and demand within acceptable levels are known as balancing. Balancing involves increasing or decreasing output from generators according to system conditions over timescales of minutes to hours, and it is a critical aspect of maintaining reliability. Balancing authorities, discussed in the Appendix , issue orders to generators to change their output as needed to maintain reliability. Balancing authorities can be utilities, or RTOs can act as balancing authorities in the regions where they exist. The rules for selecting which generators must increase or decrease output typically reflect an approach known as security-constrained economic dispatch (SCED). Under SCED, system operators ensure that electricity is produced at the lowest overall cost while respecting any transmission or operational constraints. When generation from a low-cost source would jeopardize reliability, a higher-cost source is used. In other words, SCED has two goals: affordability and reliability. SCED favors sources with low operating costs, and wind and solar sources do not have to pay for fuel. As a result, wind and solar sources typically generate the maximum amount of electricity they can at any moment. Balancing typically involves quickly increasing or decreasing output from other sources in response to variable output from wind and solar sources. The capability to quickly change output is known as ramping, and electricity sources differ in their ramping capability. System operators use a variety of electricity sources to balance generation from wind and solar sources. Some may be more commonly used in certain regions of the country, depending on local factors. Each has different benefits and limitations, some of which are summarized below. Reciprocating internal combustion engines (RICE) have seen an increase in installed capacity since 2000, partly in response to higher levels of generation from wind and solar sources. These sources have high ramping capabilities and use mature technologies. They usually use natural gas or fuel oil as fuel, so they have associated fuel costs and environmental impacts. Steam turbines, usually fueled by coal or nuclear energy , have historically been operated at steady, high output levels, barring maintenance needs, because that is the most efficient and lowest cost operational mode for them. These sources are capable of ramping to some extent. This operational mode may provide revenue for certain sources located in regions of the country with low wholesale electricity prices. It might also result in higher costs for electricity from these sources, compared to when they are not ramped. Wind and solar sources located in one area can balance wind and solar sources in other areas, since it is rare to have cloudy skies or calm winds over broad regions of the country simultaneously. This could have the benefit of using sources with zero fuel costs and zero emissions for balancing; however, existing electricity transmission system constraints limit the extent to which this is possible. Energy storage can be used for balancing because it stores electricity during periods of high supply and then provides electricity when supply is low. Many experts also see storage as a way to address the daily variability shown in Figure 3 and thereby expand the utilization of installed wind and solar sources. Many energy storage types are expensive and not currently deployed in large amounts. Energy storage can be co-located with wind or solar generators, or it can be located at other sites in the power system or the distribution system. Demand response, sometimes called demand-side management, involves adjusting electricity demand in response to available supply. This is counter to how the power system has historically been operated, but has become more commonly used. Demand response includes programs in which electricity consumers voluntarily reduce their usage in exchange for financial compensation. Demand response can be a low-cost balancing option because it does not require electricity generation; however, it comes at a social cost because consumers do not use electricity at their preferred time.The electric power sector is working to improve the use of weather and power forecasting in system balancing. For example, MISO changed its wholesale electricity market rules in 2011 to create a Dispatchable Intermittent Resources program. This program allows wind sources to make use of their own generation forecasts and offer generation at five-minute intervals. Previously, offers had to be made on an hourly basis. This was creating inefficiencies in using wind sources since their output can vary over the course of an hour. Improved forecasting could result in increased use of low-cost wind and solar sources, but forecasting methodologies are still being optimized for this purpose. The above considerations apply to bulk power system balancing today. Technological or policy developments could alter how system balancing is conducted in the future. Additionally, if wind and solar sources provided even larger shares of overall generation, new benefits or limitations for each balancing source type could emerge. Federal Government Activities Affecting Reliability and Balancing Work at the federal level to address reliability needs associated with increased use of wind and solar sources has been underway for some time. For example, NERC created a task force in December 2007 to study the integration of VRE and identify gaps in reliability standards. The federal government undertakes actions in addition to the development and enforcement of reliability standards that affect electric reliability. FERC regulates interstate electricity transmission, which can be a key determinant of what sources are available to balance wind and solar. FERC also regulates wholesale electricity markets in most regions of the country. Market rules, including how SCED is implemented, can influence which individual generators are used for system balancing. Market prices can directly affect project revenues and influence investment decisions. Additionally, Congress funds projects and programs that support technology development and deployment, including for sources and operations that improve reliability. Some examples demonstrate the breadth of federal activities related to reliability. In EPACT05, Congress created Section 219 of the Federal Power Act that directs FERC to establish financial incentives for certain electricity transmission investments. FERC's resulting rule became effective in 2006 and includes provisions allowing higher rates of return, accelerated depreciation, and full cost recovery, all for investments and activities that FERC approves on a case-by-case basis. Transmission investment has increased since the passage of EPACT05, although there may be many factors driving this investment. On March 21, 2019, FERC opened an inquiry on potential changes to its transmission incentive policy. In 2011, FERC issued a rule, Order No. 1000, revising requirements related to new transmission projects. Among other revisions, Order No. 1000 increased the weight given to achieving public policy requirements when FERC considers approval of transmission projects. An example of a public policy requirement might be a state requirement that a specified share of electricity sales come from renewable sources, a policy commonly known as a renewable portfolio standard. New transmission capacity is often needed to access and balance wind and solar sources. Several FERC orders demonstrate how market rules are changing in response to increased need for balancing and ramping. Order No. 745 allows demand response to earn compensation from wholesale electricity markets for providing energy services to balance the power system in day-ahead and real-time markets. Order No. 841 allows energy storage systems to earn compensation from wholesale electricity markets for providing any energy, capacity, and essential reliability services they are capable of providing. Implementation of Order No. 841 might lead to greater deployment of energy storage which could improve balancing. Various grant programs administered by the Department of Energy (DOE) have supported the development of new technologies that can balance wind and solar sources or support reliability in other ways. These include research and development into electricity generators; wind forecast models and methodology; power electronics for solar sources; and standards for interconnection into the bulk power system. DOE's Office of Energy Efficiency and Renewable Energy (EERE) has funded research meant to improve short-term weather forecasting specifically related to wind power forecasts in two Wind Forecast Improvement Projects. DOE reports that advances made during this research include improved observations of meteorological data and improved methodologies for using those data in wind forecasts. Potential Issues for Congress Congress has held hearings related to the changes in the electricity generation profile of the country, and some Members raised concerns about reliability during these hearings. Members may continue to examine reliability issues moving forward, in light of projections that wind and solar will become an increasingly larger share of electricity generation. For example, EIA's projection of existing law and regulations shows wind and solar sources contributing 23% of electricity generation in 2050. Members may also choose to include reliability as part of any debate about policies to increase the generation from wind and solar sources. Preparing for higher levels of generation from wind and solar might require new approaches to maintaining electric reliability. The existing regulatory framework can accommodate some changes since FERC and NERC have authority to initiate development of new reliability standards. For example, NERC has raised the issue of whether it should develop new reliability metrics in light of the increasing use of VRE for electricity generation. In addition to its capacity supply assessment, NERC's Reliability Assessment Subcommittee should lead the electric industry in developing a common approach and identify metrics to assess energy adequacy. As identified in this assessment, the changing resource mix can alter the energy and availability characteristics of the generation fleet. Additional analysis is needed to determine energy sufficiency, particularly during off-peak periods and where energy-limited resources are most prominent. Congress could choose to provide guidance for FERC and NERC activities in this area. Congress could also assess whether the existing regulatory framework is sufficient to maintain reliability if generation from wind and solar sources increase above current projections. One area of discussion is the siting and approval of transmission projects, particularly those that might result in enhanced availability of wind and solar sources for system balancing. Currently, the siting of electricity transmission facilities is largely left to the states. Section 1221 of EPACT05 directs FERC to issue permits for the construction or modification of transmission facilities in certain circumstances in areas designated by the Secretary of Energy as "National Interest Electric Transmission Corridors." This authority was to be exercised only if the relevant state agency lacks the authority to permit the transmission facilities or has "withheld approval for more than one year." Shortly after passage of EPACT05, DOE set out to designate the National Interest Electric Transmission Corridors and FERC set up a framework for permitting transmission facilities on those corridors. However, federal courts vacated both agencies' actions, and neither agency has taken any significant action pursuant to their Section 1221 authority since that time. As noted above, most power outages occur on local electricity distribution systems, and these are regulated by state or local governments. Congress could consider expanding federal activities affecting distribution system reliability. This might involve studies of the factors (e.g., weather, aging infrastructure, VRE) that result in power outages. Such activities might also include federal financial support for projects or practices that improve reliability of distribution systems or encouraging new operational regimes such as independent distribution system operators (see earlier discussion of this issue in text box, "Distribution System Reliability"). Congress might also consider acting on the emerging and related issue of electric resilience. Some support for an enhanced federal role in electricity system resilience exists. For example, the National Academy recommends Congress and the Department of Energy leadership should sustain and expand the substantive areas of research, development, and demonstration that are now being undertaken by the Department of Energy's Office of Electricity Delivery and Energy Reliability and Office of Energy Efficiency and Renewable Energy, with respect to grid modernization and systems integration, with the explicit intention of improving the resilience of the U.S. power grid. Many sources currently used to balance wind and solar have received federal financial support in the past, such as tax credits, grants to states or other entities, and DOE research programs. Congress might consider continuing or expanding this type of support if current activities affecting reliability were deemed insufficient. Appendix. Key Reliability Concepts for Policymakers Electric reliability encompasses short-term and long-term aspects as shown in Figure A-1 . System operators and reliability planners, governed by reliability standards from the North American Electric Reliability Corporation (NERC), have different practices in place to address reliability over these various timescales. Reliability over Different Timescales At the smallest timescales, typically seconds or less, are factors such as frequency control, voltage support, and ramping capability. These are often automatic responses of power system components. NERC refers to these factors as Essential Reliability Services (ERS), and they are sometimes called ancillary services. Historically, many ERS were provided as a natural consequence of the physical operational characteristics of steam turbines. Wind and solar generators do not inherently provide ERS in the same way. They require additional electrical components to do so, and these are being more commonly deployed. In some cases, FERC has mandated the use of technologies that allow wind and solar to provide ERS. Balancing, described in the main body of this report, typically occurs over minutes to hours. Unlike ERS, balancing typically requires action by a system operator. Long-term aspects of reliability relate to planning for energy and transmission needs over months to years. This is sometimes referred to as resource adequacy. Policy goals, such as preferences for certain electricity sources over others, tend to influence long-term reliability planning more than shorter-term reliability aspects. Planning for resource adequacy involves forecasts of electricity supply and demand. For variable renewable energy (VRE) like wind and solar sources, these forecasts require assumptions about wind and solar availability. Reliability planners commonly use planning reserve margins to assess whether planned generation and transmission capacity will be sufficient to supply electricity demand. A planning reserve margin is the difference between expected peak demand and available generating capacity at the peak period in each forecast year. It is often expressed as a percentage where the difference is normalized by the peak demand value. According to NERC, reserve margins "in the range of 10-18 percent" are typically sufficient for ensuring reliability, although "by itself the expected Planning Reserve Margin cannot communicate how reliable a system is." Reserve margins are calculated months or years ahead as part of assessments of whether and where reliability concerns might exist. High planning reserve margins may indicate a likelihood that reliability will be maintained, but, especially when variable sources are present, they might not be predictive. That is, a high planning reserve margin does not guarantee reliability and a low planning reserve margin does not guarantee power disruptions. At the national level, NERC annually assesses resource adequacy over a 10-year forecasting window. NERC uses historic VRE generation data in its assessment and has noted "methods for determining the on-peak availability of wind and solar are improving with growing performance data." In its 2018 Long-Term Reliability Assessment, NERC recommended enhancing its reliability assessment process to account for events, like those noted in the " Changing Electricity Generation Profile " section above, during which VRE sources provided large shares of generation during off-peak periods. Solar eclipses, though rare events, provide opportunities to test the ability of grid operators to reliably operate the grid when solar sources are unavailable. The August 21, 2017, solar eclipse that affected many parts of the United States was one such opportunity. According to NERC, no reliability issues developed during the event, in part because of the measures implemented in advance by the electric industry. Electric Reliability Regulatory Framework Current electric reliability planning is a coordinated process involving multiple entities and spanning multiple jurisdictions. These reliability planning organizations share responsibility for, among other responsibilities, ensuring electricity from wind and solar sources are reliably integrated into the power system. Table A-1 summarizes these entities and their responsibilities. In the Energy Policy Act of 2005 (EPACT05; P.L. 109-58 ), Congress gave FERC responsibility for reliability of the grid through the setting and enforcement of electric reliability standards. These standards are developed by NERC and approved by FERC in the United States. NERC has set over 100 reliability standards that cover all timescales of reliability planning. Congress gave NERC authority to enforce reliability standards in EPACT05. Per statute, NERC has delegated this authority to the Regional Entities shown in Figure A-2 . The jurisdiction for enforcing compliance with reliability standards includes "all users, owners and operators of the bulk-power system" within the contiguous United States. Separate from the tasks of setting and enforcing reliability standards is the task of reliably operating the power system in real time. Per NERC's reliability standards, balancing authorities carry most of the responsibility for matching generation levels with electricity demand. Balancing authorities can have different geographic footprints. RTOs act as balancing authorities and they may have a footprint spanning multiple states. Other balancing authorities might have a footprint spanning an area within a single state. Another class of entities with operational responsibilities are reliability coordinators. A reliability coordinator may operate over larger geographic areas than balancing authorities and can overrule real-time decisions by balancing authorities to preserve the larger scale power system reliability. RTOs typically also act as reliability coordinators. NERC has certified 66 balancing authorities and 11 reliability coordinators in the United States.


Introduction Election security is one of the most prominent policy challenges facing Congress. A November 2019 warning from the heads of several federal agencies illustrates the interdisciplinary and ongoing nature of the threat to American elections. According to the joint statement, in the 2020 election cycle, "Russia, China, Iran, and other foreign malicious actors all will seek to interfere in the voting process or influence voter perceptions. Adversaries may try to accomplish their goals through a variety of means, including social media campaigns, directing disinformation operations or conducting disruptive or destructive cyber-attacks on state and local infrastructure." These are just the latest challenges in securing American elections. Traditionally, election administration emphasizes policy goals such as ensuring that all eligible voters, and only eligible voters, may register and cast ballots; that those ballots are counted properly; and that the voting public views that process as legitimate and transparent. Preserving election continuity is a chief concern. Election officials therefore have long prepared contingency plans that address various risks, such as equipment malfunctions, power outages, and natural disasters. These traditional concerns remain, but have taken on new complexity amid foreign interference in U.S. elections. In addition to managing traditional security concerns about infrastructure and administrative processes (e.g., counting ballots), mitigating external threats to the accuracy of information voters receive, particularly from foreign sources, is a potential challenge for political campaigns, election administrators, and the public. Addressing any one of these topics might involve multiple areas of public policy or law. Doing so also can involve complex practical challenges about which levels of government, or agencies, are best equipped or most appropriate to respond. How those entities can or should interact with political campaigns, the private sector, and voters, are also ongoing questions. Technical complexity in some areas, such as cybersecurity, and the federal structure of shared national, state or territorial, and local responsibility for administering federal elections make election security even more challenging. Election security in general appears to be a shared policy goal, but debate exists in Congress about which policy issues and options to pursue. Debate over the scope of the federal government's role in election security shapes much of that debate. State, territorial, and local governments are responsible for most aspects of election administration, including security. This report provides congressional readers with an overview that includes how campaign and election security has developed as a policy field; recent legislative activity, especially bills that have advanced beyond introduction; federal statutes and agencies that appear to be most relevant for campaign and election security; state, territorial, or local roles in administering elections, and federal support for those functions; and highlights of recent policy debates, and potential future questions for congressional consideration. Defining Election Security There is no single definition of "election security," nor is there necessarily agreement on which topics should or should not be included in the policy debate. Broadly speaking, election security involves efforts to ensure fair, accurate, and safe elections. This can include a variety of activities that happen before, during, and after voters cast their ballots. A narrow definition of election security might address only efforts to protect traditional election infrastructure, such as voter registration databases, voting machines, polling places, and election result tabulations. More expansive definitions might also address issues affecting candidates and campaigns. This includes, for example, regulating political advertising or fundraising; providing physical or cybersecurity assistance for campaigns; or combating disinformation or misinformation in the political debate. The policy debates discussed herein can affect different kinds of entities uniquely. Perhaps most notably, security concerns affecting campaigns can differ from those for safeguarding elections and voting. Campaigns in the United States are about persuading voters in an effort to win elections. They are private, not governmental, operations and are subject to relatively little regulation beyond campaign finance policy. Elections are more highly regulated, although specific practices can vary, as their administration is primarily a state- or local-level responsibility. Provisions in state or local law, and, to a lesser degree, federal law, regulate how voters cast ballots and who may do so. Some security discussions include issues related to voter access, while others view access as a separate elections policy matter. This report briefly notes that access can be a component of campaign and election security policy debates, but the report does not otherwise address access issues. This report does not attempt definitively to resolve ongoing policy debates about what campaign and election security entails or should entail, nor does it fully address all aspects of the policy issues discussed. Instead, it provides congressional readers with background information to consider that debate and decide whether or how to pursue legislation (including appropriations) or oversight. Because all the topics noted aboveâand others discussed throughout the reportâhave been components of the recent congressional debate over how to safeguard American campaigns, elections, and voting, this report uses the general term campaign and election security . Scope of the Report This report discusses federal agencies, statutes, and policies designed to prevent or respond to deliberate domestic or foreign security threats to campaigns, elections, or voting. Concepts discussed in the report also have implications for some unintentional threats, such as natural disasters or other emergencies that could affect campaigns, elections, or voting. Legislation cited in the report contains specific references to campaign and election security. This includes bill text that uses variations of terms such as campaign , election , or vote near variations of the terms interference or security . Some readers might view areas addressed herein as more or less directly related to campaign or election security, and alternative methodologies could yield other bills or policy topics for consideration. The report does not include detailed attention to more traditional aspects of campaign finance, election administration, or voting, particularly voter mobilization. For example, the report discusses Help America Vote Act provisions that authorize funding states may use to help secure elections, but not provisions that authorize funding for the Election Assistance Commission generally. Similarly, the report briefly discusses Voting Rights Act provisions that prohibit voter intimidation, but it does not discuss other federal statutes enacted to make registration and voting easier. In addition, the report briefly notes lobbying statutes that might be relevant for regulating certain corporate or foreign activity related to U.S. election interference, but it does not substantially address lobbying as a policy area. The report emphasizes domestic implications of campaign and election security. This includes attention to protections for U.S. campaigns and elections from the effects of foreign disinformation and misinformation efforts. The Appendix at the end of this report includes sanctions or immigration legislation that specifically references interference in U.S. elections, and which has advanced beyond introduction during the 116 th Congress. However, foreign policy implications of such interference, or a discussion of offensive operations and tactics that the United States might or might not use against foreign adversaries, are otherwise beyond the scope of this report. Because of the still-developing and complex policy challenges surrounding campaign and election security, other areas of law, policy, or practice might also be relevant but are not addressed here. The report references other CRS products that contain additional discussion of several such topics. The report does not provide legal or constitutional analysis. It also does not attempt to catalog all alleged or established instances of campaign and election interference or security concerns, or to independently evaluate allegations. Recent Legislative Activity Highlights of recent legislative activity include the following. Additional discussion appears throughout the report. The 115 th Congress (2017-2019) appropriated $380 million for FY2018 for improvements to the administration of federal elections, including upgrades to election technology and security. The 116 th Congress (2019-2021) appropriated $425 million for FY2020 in the consolidated appropriations bill ( H.R. 1158 ; P.L. 116-93 ) enacted in December 2019. The " Funding for States After the 2016 Election Cycle " section of this report contains additional detail. The 116 th Congress enacted S. 1790 ( P.L. 116-92 ), the FY2020 National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA), in December 2019. The legislation contains several provisions related to campaign and election security. Table 1 below lists bills that have passed at least one chamber. The Appendix in this report briefly summarizes 116 th Congress legislation containing campaign and election security provisions that has advanced beyond introduction. In addition, during the 116 th Congress, committees in both chambers have held hearings on these and related campaign and election security topics. The Committee on House Administration and Senate Committee on Rules and Administration exercise primary jurisdiction over federal elections. Several other committees oversee related areas, such as intelligence or voting rights issues. Another CRS product contains additional discussion of committee roles in federal campaigns and elections generally. Development of Federal Role in Campaign and Election Security Foreign interference is only the highest-profile and latest campaign and election security policy challenge. Physical security, to protect voters, ballots, and vote counts, has been an ongoing concern. Specifically, in modern history, the federal government's first role in securing elections was primarily about access and voting rights. In 1965, Congress enacted the Voting Rights Act (VRA), which protects voters against race- or color-based discrimination in registration, redistricting, and voting. More explicitly related to security, the VRA prohibits intimidation, threats, or coercion in voting. Congress primarily tasked the U.S. Department of Justice (DOJ) with enforcing the statute and related criminal provisions. Federal law enforcement agencies, especially the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), also support states and localitiesâwhich retain primary responsibility for election administration in the United Statesâin investigating election crimes and providing physical security at the polls. The federal role in election administration expanded after the disputed 2000 presidential election. In response, Congress authorized federal funding for the states, the District of Columbia, and territories to make improvements to the administration of federal elections. It also created the Election Assistance Commission (EAC) to administer those funds. Congress charged the agency with overseeing a voluntary voting system testing and certification program, and providing states and localities with voluntary election administration guidance, research, and best practices. These developments notwithstanding, securing campaigns and elections historically was not a major policy topic at the federal level, as most security matters were reserved for state- or local-level policy. The policy environment changed dramatically during the 2016 election cycle, when media reports and subsequent congressional and federal-agency investigations documented Russian government interference with that year's U.S. presidential election. According to Special Counsel Robert Mueller's report, these interference efforts targeted private technology firms that provide election-related software and hardware; state and local government entities; and a major political party and nominee. The investigations did not find that this activity was a determinative factor in the election outcome. However, the possibility of such activity, and of additional efforts to affect political attitudes or participation, remains. In July 2018 remarks at the Hudson Institute, then-Director of National Intelligence (DNI) Dan Coats, a former Senator, said that the Intelligence Community (IC) reported "aggressive attempts to manipulate social media and to spread propaganda focused on hot-button issues that are intended to exacerbate socio-political divisions" in elections. To the extent that those efforts affect campaignsâincluding campaign security, or the information voters receive from campaignsâcampaign finance policy and law could be relevant. The Federal Election Campaign Act (FECA) originated in the 1970s amid concerns about limiting domestic political corruption. The act also contains a wide-ranging prohibition on foreign-national involvement in federal, state, or local U.S. elections. These provisions, and disclosure and disclaimer requirements for all "persons" who raise or spend funds to influence federal elections, are key elements of regulating both domestic and foreign efforts to affect political fundraising, spending, and advertising. Political committees (campaigns, parties, and political action committees [PACs]) are responsible for their own security measures, although, as noted elsewhere in this report, federal agencies (or private-sector entities) provide assistance in some cases. Today, election security is one of the most rapidly evolving policy issues facing Congress and the federal government. Both chambers have passed legislation on the topic during the 116 th Congress. Multiple House and Senate committees have held investigative and oversight hearings. Congress and the Obama and Trump Administrations have tasked federal agencies with new responsibilities for supporting states and thwarting future possible interference. The Intelligence Community has warned that countering foreign interference in U.S. elections "will require a whole-of-society approach, including support from the private sector and the active engagement of an informed public." Selected Federal Statutes The U.S. Constitution and federal statutes regulate the division of governmental responsibility for elections. No existing statute is devoted specifically to election security, although, as discussed below, some statutes address aspects of the topic. Most broadly, the Constitution's Elections Clause assigns states with setting the "Times, Places and Manner" for House and Senate elections, and also permits Congress to "at any time â¦ make or alter such Regulations." As discussed in the " State and Local Role in Election Security " section of this report, the federal government thus plays a largely supporting role in election administration generally, and in election security specifically. Two election-specific statutes can be particularly important for campaign and election security. Relevant legislation typically proposes amending one or both. First, the Help America Vote Act (HAVA, 2002) is the only federal statute devoted to assisting states with election administration. Congress relied on HAVA to establish the Election Assistance Commission, provide for a voluntary federal voting system testing and certification program, and authorize federal funding states could use to help secure their elections. Second, FECA's disclaimer and disclosure provisions, and the prohibition on foreign national fundraising or spending in U.S. elections, can be particularly relevant for concerns about foreign interference in U.S. elections. Several other statutes could be relevant in specific cases. Table 2 below provides a brief summary. Selected Federal Agencies No single federal agency has responsibility for providing election or campaign security. Only two federal agenciesâthe Election Assistance Commission (EAC) and the Federal Election Commission (FEC)âare devoted entirely to campaigns and elections. The EAC administers congressionally appropriated federal funding, oversees a voluntary voting system testing and certification program, and provides voluntary election administration guidance, research, and best practices. The FEC is responsible for administration and civil enforcement of FECA. Other departments and agencies, primarily with responsibilities for other areas of public policy, support campaign and election security in specific cases. Some agency roles developed from a January 2017 "critical infrastructure" designation. Additional detail appears below. Additional information about agency roles appears below, and in the " Coordination By and Among Selected Federal Agencies " section of this report. Election Assistance Commission (EAC) The EAC is the only federal agency focused specifically on assisting states with election administration. Congress has charged the EAC with administering funding states may use to help secure their elections. The EAC also provides states and localities with election administration assistance, adopting voluntary voting system guidelines (VVSG, discussed below), providing for systems to be tested to the VVSG, and certifying systems as meeting the guidelines. It also conducts research about state election administration and voting, and shares information about best practices. Although not mandated by Congress, the EAC also participates in activities related to the designation of election systems as critical infrastructure, such as serving on the Election Infrastructure Subsector Government Coordinating Council (EIS-GCC) and on the EIS-GCC executive committee. Federal Election Commission (FEC) The FEC enforces civil compliance with FECA provisions and commission regulations regarding campaign finance. This includes activities related to fundraising, spending, advertising disclaimers, and financial disclosure reports. These provisions are relevant for some aspects of security affecting political candidates or campaigns, parties, political action committees (PACs), or other entities (e.g., independent spenders that are not political committees) that raise or spend funds to affect federal campaigns. The FEC does not regulate election administration or voting matters. Department of Homeland Security (DHS) DHS provides states and localities with assistance mitigating risks to their election systems, especially concerning cybersecurity. DHS is the sector-specific agency (SSA) responsible for securing the election infrastructure subsector. Additional information appears later in this report. DHS's Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency (CISA) is responsible for most of the department's election security activities, including the Election Security Initiative (ESI). DHS protects major presidential candidates through the U.S. Secret Service (USSS). The Secret Service is also the lead security agency for "national special security events" (NSSEs), such as presidential nominating conventions. Department of Justice (DOJ) The Department of Justice enforces several federal statutes, discussed above, that could be relevant for campaign and election security. Within DOJ, the FBI is the lead federal law enforcement agency supporting state and local election administration, and is the lead federal agency in investigating and prosecuting foreign influence campaigns. Intelligence Community (IC) Several agencies contribute to or produce intelligence about election security threats. For example, a declassified version of a January 2017 Intelligence Community Assessment (ICA) documenting Russian attempts to influence 2016-cycle U.S. elections contained information and analysis from the CIA, FBI, and NSA. The " Coordination By and Among Selected Federal Agencies " section below provides additional discussion of the IC campaign and election security roles. Selected Other Federal Agencies The State Department's Global Engagement Center (GEC) is charged with coordinating federal efforts to counter foreign propaganda and disinformation efforts aimed at undermining U.S. national security interests. The GEC partners with other U.S. government agencies, including those within the State Department, at the Defense Department, and elsewhere. The Departments of Justice, State, and the Treasury all can be involved in administering sanctions for election interference. As noted previously, sanctions policy generally is beyond the scope of this report. Via the FY2020 NDAA bill ( S. 1790 ; P.L. 116-92 ), Congress assigned various agencies, especially DHS and the DNI, additional campaign and election security responsibilities. Most provisions involve providing Congress or federal or state agencies with information about election interference. The Appendix of this report provides additional detail. Table 3 provides a brief overview of selected agency roles in campaign and election security. Coordination By and Among Selected Federal Agencies Because no single federal agency is solely responsible for campaign and election securityâand because state and local governments have most practical responsibility for election securityâcoordination among agencies and governments is an ongoing congressional concern. Adding to the complexity of the election security challenge, government agencies, in some cases, both support and regulate private actorsâsuch as political campaignsâand sometimes rely on those private entities to provide threat information. Highlights of federal coordination issues appear below. Because some of these relationships appear to be in development, some information about agency coordination, or the lack thereof, remains unclear in the public record. Similarly, some information about coordination among intelligence-gathering agencies is publicly unavailable, beyond the scope of this report, or both. As such, other formal or information coordination among or by agencies likely occurs but is not reflected here. Department of Homeland Security Coordination Roles DHS takes a lead role in coordinating the federal support for campaign and election security. Most of the DHS coordination role stems from a January 2017 "critical infrastructure" designation that treats election infrastructure as an essential service requiring federal support and protection. The designation established the Elections Infrastructure Subsector (EIS) within the Government Facilities Sector, which includes various government buildings and equipment. As a result of the critical infrastructure designation, DHS prioritizes support for the subsector, including to those state and local election jurisdictions that choose to accept such assistance. This includes sharing information about threats; and conducting cyber hygiene and risk and vulnerability assessments. The critical infrastructure designation applies to physical and technical resources related to elections, such as communications technology, voting equipment, and polling places. It does not apply to political campaigns. The designation does not give DHS regulatory authority over federal elections. DHS serves as the Sector-Specific Agency (SSA) for the EIS. As SSA, the agency plays various coordinating roles among public and private entities, as highlighted below. As SSA, DHS coordinates information sharing among various governmental and nongovernmental entities (e.g., vendors) responsible for election administration. In this role, DHS also coordinates activities for the EIS Government Coordinating Council (GCC). The EIS-GCC includes representatives from DHS, EAC, and state and local governments. DHS also works with a Sector Coordinating Council (SCC), which consists of industry representatives (e.g., voting-machine manufacturers). DHS also funds the Elections Infrastructure Information Sharing and Analysis Center (EI-ISAC), a voluntary membership organization of state and local election jurisdictions run by the private Center for Internet Security. The EI-ISAC coordinates security information sharing among these entities. Election Assistance Commission Coordination Roles As the only federal agency devoted specifically to election administration, the EAC helps facilitate communication between state or local election administrators and other federal agencies, and vice versa. EAC commissioners serve on the EIS Government Coordinating Council (EIS-GCC), coordinated by DHS, and on the EIS-GCC executive committee. Intelligence Community Coordination Roles As noted previously, the IC includes more than a dozen agencies from throughout the federal government. Highlights of the IC role in coordination surrounding campaign and election security appear below. In July 2019, then-DNI Coats created an IC Election Threats Executive (ETE) position to serve as the DNI's principal elections adviser and to coordinate IC election security work. Coats also directed IC agencies to assign a senior executive to serve as the point-of-contact for that agency's election security work and to serve on a new IC Election Executive and Leadership Board. U.S. Cyber Command and the NSA monitors foreign threats to U.S. elections. This reportedly includes a recently established Election Security Group. In addition, the FY2020 NDAA bill requires the DNI to appoint a national counterintelligence officer within the National Counterintelligence and Security Center to coordinate election security counterintelligence, particularly regarding foreign interference and equipment issues. Coordination Roles and Selected Other Federal Agencies In addition to coordination on IC threat assessments noted above, multiple federal agencies have collaborated on campaign and election security educational resources for political committees, election administrators, or voters. Agencies also have issued joint warnings. The State Department's Global Engagement Center (GEC) is charged with coordinating federal efforts to counter foreign propaganda and disinformation. The State Department also works with the Treasury Department and Justice Department to administer sanctions for election interference. The FY2020 NDAA and Coordination Roles The FY2020 NDAA bill ( S. 1790 ; P.L. 116-92 ), enacted in December 2019, requires the DNI to "develop a whole-of-government strategy for countering the threat of Russian cyberattacks and attempted cyberattacks against election systems and processes in the United States." Congress specified that the strategy should include protecting federal, state, and local election systems, voter registration databases, voting tabulation equipment, and systems for transmitting election results. Congress also required the DNI to develop the strategy "in coordination" with the Secretaries of Defense, Homeland Security, State, and the Treasury, and with the Directors of the CIA and FBI. Federal Agency Roles and Campaign Security Perhaps because the 2017 critical infrastructure designation does not apply to political campaigns or other political committees, it appears that no federal agency has specific responsibility for coordinating security preparations for these entities. However, federal law enforcement agencies, particularly the FBI, can and do receive reports of, and investigate, suspected criminal activity. In preparation for the 2020 elections, the FBI also established a "Protected Voices" program that provides political campaigns, private companies, and individuals with information about how to guard against and respond to cyberattacks and foreign influence campaigns. In addition, DHS (CISA), the FBI, and ODNI have jointly briefed some 2020 federal political campaigns on security threats and best practices. Federal Election Security Guidance Federal election law takes a mostly voluntary approach to election security. Congress has set some security requirements for federal elections, such as directing election officials to provide a certain level of technological security for their HAVA-mandated computerized voter registration lists. Most election security standards are set at the state or local levels. Some examples of the voluntary election security guidance the federal government provides are the research, best practices, and technical assistance described in the " Selected Federal Agencies " section of this report. HAVA also charges the EACâwith assistance from the agency's advisory bodies and NISTâwith developing voluntary voting system guidelines (VVSG), accrediting laboratories to test voting systems to the VVSG, and certifying systems as meeting the VVSG. The proposed update to the VVSG that was in development as of this writing (VVSG 2.0) includes some security-related principles and guidelines, such as ensuring that voting systems are auditable, limiting and logging access to voting systems, and preventing or detecting unauthorized physical access to voting system hardware. Participation in the federal voting system testing and certification program is voluntary under federal law. The testing and certification program covers the "voting system" as defined by HAVA, which does not include some components of the election system, such as voter registration databases and election night reporting systems. Changes to one part of a voting system, such as updating software to patch security vulnerabilities, might require recertification of the system under the policies in effect as of this writing, and updates to the VVSG require approval by a three-vote majority of the EAC's commissioners. Federal Funding for Securing Election Systems Congress has responded to the threats that emerged during the 2016 election cycle, discussed above, in part with funding. Since the 2016 elections, it has provided funding for helping secure election systems both to states, territories, and the District of Columbia (DC), and to federal agencies. Funding for States After the 2016 Election Cycle The Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2020 ( H.R. 1158 ; P.L. 116-93 ), and the Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2018 ( P.L. 115-141 ), included $425 million and $380 million, respectively, for payments under provisions of HAVA that authorize funding for general improvements to the administration of federal elections. The explanatory statements accompanying the bills listed the following election security-specific purposes as potential uses of the funds: replacing voting equipment that only records a voter's intent electronically with equipment that utilizes a voter-verified paper record; implementing a post-election audit system that provides a high level of confidence in the accuracy of the final vote tally; upgrading election-related computer systems to address cyber vulnerabilities identified through DHS or similar scans or assessments of existing election systems; facilitating cybersecurity training for the state chief election official's office and local election officials; implementing established cybersecurity best practices for election systems; and funding other activities that will improve the security of elections for federal office. The 50 states, DC, American Samoa, Guam, Puerto Rico, and the U.S. Virgin Islands were eligible for both FY2018 and FY2020 payments. The Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands (CNMI) was eligible for FY2020 funding. Each recipient was guaranteed a minimum payment amount each year it was eligibleâ$3 million for each of the 50 states and DC and $600,000 per eligible territoryâwith the remainder of the appropriated funding distributed according to a formula based on voting-age population. Recipients are required to provide a 5% match for the FY2018 funds within two years of receiving a federal payment and a 20% match for the FY2020 funding. The EAC, which was charged with administering the payments, reported that all of the FY2018 funds were requested by July 16, 2018, and disbursed to the states by September 20, 2018. Each state has five years to spend the funds, according to the EAC, and must report on its spending each fiscal year. The EAC posts links to the states' reportsâand spending plansâon its website and issues its own overview reports of state spending. Funding for Federal Agencies After the 2016 Election Cycle As noted in the " Selected Federal Agencies " section of this report, multiple federal agencies are involved in helping secure election systems. Congress has designated some of the funding it has appropriated to such agencies specifically for election system security. For example, following the designation of election systems as critical infrastructure in January 2017, the report language for DHS appropriations measures has specified funding for the department's election security initiative. The explanatory statement for the FY2018 spending bill also directed the FBI to use some of its funding to help counter threats to democratic institutions and processes. Agencies may also spend some of the funding they receive for more general purposes on activities related to election system security. The U.S. Department of Defense's (DOD's) Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA) has provided funding under its System Security Integrated Through Hardware and Firmware (SSITH) program to advance development of a secure, open-source voting system, for example, and the EAC applies some of its operational funding to the federal voting system testing and certification program described in the " Federal Election Security Guidance " section of this report. State and Local Role in Election Security Some threats to U.S. electionsâincluding both intentional interference efforts and the unintended threats posed by errors and natural disastersâinvolve the state and local systems used to administer elections. Other election security threats involve efforts to spread disinformation about elections or the integrity of the electoral process. States and localities may play a role in countering both types of threat. First, states and localities take the lead on defending their election systems. As noted previously, states and localities have primary responsibility for administering elections in the United States. The federal government has provided some funding and technical support to help them secure the systems they use to run elections, but states and localities have primary responsibility for ensuring that their systems are physically and technologically secure. That includes primary responsibility for funding election system security measures. Securing election systems may involve capital expenditures, such as replacing voting machines, that exceed funding provided by Congress. It may also involve ongoing costsâfrom identifying and addressing emerging security threats to renewing software licenses, paying election security staff, and conducting post-election auditsâthat extend beyond the period for which federal funding is available. Such expenses are covered, if they are covered, by states and localities. State and local responsibility for election system security also includes primary responsibility for making and implementing most decisions about how to secure election systems. Federal law sets some general standards for the administration of elections, such as the voter registration list digitization requirement noted in the " Federal Election Security Guidance " section of this report. States and localities decideâwithin the broad parameters set by such general standardsâwhich election equipment and procedures to use and how to mitigate risks to them. They choose, for example, whether to use electronic devices to capture or count votes; whether, when, and how to conduct post-election audits; whether and how to set security standards for election equipment vendors; whether to have in-house security staff in local jurisdictions or rely on state or vendor IT support; which cybersecurity tools and procedures to use; whether and how to train election officials and poll workers on election security; how to secure election materials between elections and ensure a secure physical chain of custody on Election Day; and what cyber and physical security standards to set for election equipment. Second, states and localities can help combat disinformation or misinformation about elections or the integrity of the electoral process. They can, for example, use official websites and social media accounts to share accurate information about elections or counter false information; and help educate the public about the steps they take to safeguard the electoral process. States also can work through their professional associationsâusing initiatives such as a public education campaign launched by the National Association of Secretaries of State (NASS) in November 2019âto help direct voters to trustworthy sources of election information. These efforts might occur as part of or in parallel with responses to disinformation or misinformation by the federal government or private entities like social media companies. States might partner with social media companies to remove posts containing election disinformation, for example, or adopt disclosure requirements that supplement or override the companies' policies on digital political advertising. Selected Recent Policy Issues for Congress Table 4 below briefly summarizes selected policy issues and options that have shaped recent policy debates in Congress. In addition, the Appendix at the end of this report briefly summarizes legislation primarily devoted to campaign and election security that has advanced beyond introduction during the 116 th Congress. The table reflects recent policy debates, but is not intended to be exhaustive. Some observers might consider other issues not reflected here to be relevant for campaign and election security. Concluding Observations Campaign and election security are developing fields that cross policy and disciplinary boundaries. This complexity is reflected in the various statutes, agencies, and congressional committees that share responsibility for policymaking and administrative matters relevant for security U.S. campaigns and elections. Questions such as those that follow reflect themes discussed throughout this report. These and other questions could help congressional readers decide whether they want to maintain the status quo, appropriate funds, or pursue oversight or legislation. Federal R ole. A key question for Congress is whether, where, and how it chooses to be involved in campaign and election security. Most broadly, this potentially includes how to define this rapidly developing policy area, and in so doing, considering which issues are most appropriately addressed at the federal level versus at the state or local levels. This report has emphasized the federal role because those topics are most relevant for Congress. As the report also explains, states, localities, and territories are responsible for making many of their own election security decisionsâjust as political campaigns, parties, and PACs are responsible for their own security. Therefore, there are important debates about what campaign and election security includes that the federal government can influence, but that are primarily addressed below the federal level, in the private sector, or both. Examples include, but are not limited to, how election security might affect voter access, and vice versa; whether states require voter identification at the polls and whether or to what extent alleged vote fraud exists; how much and on what jurisdictions choose to spend available funds; and whether states, localities, or political campaigns and parties have sufficient resources to secure their elections or organizations. Communication. Does Congress want to encourage or require additional information sharing about campaign and election security matters between the federal government and nonfederal elections agencies? Similarly, do state, territorial, and local elections officials feel that they have or need clear points of contact within federal agencies, and do they know which agencies to contact in various circumstances? If it determines that the status quo is inadequate, does Congress want to encourage or require different reporting protocols, agency outreach, etc.? Coordination. Various agencies have reported to Congress that they have improved coordination among themselves, particularly through working groups or task forces. Less clear, at least from publicly available information, is specifically how such coordination works and whether current coordinating mechanisms are sufficient or whether agencies need additional resources or mechanisms to improve coordination. If it determines that the status quo is inadequate, does Congress want to exercise oversight in this area, provide additional information-sharing authorities, funding, etc., or does it consider current coordination authorities and mechanisms sufficient? Sectors. Much of the federal government's attention to campaign and election security appears to emphasize outreach to election administrators in states, territories, and localities. With respect to the private sector (such as political campaigns and equipment manufacturers), is federal agency support sufficient? To what extent are information-sharing practices among federal agencies and the private sector (or voters) similar to or different from those that shape communication between federal agencies and state, territorial, or local governments? If it determines that the status quo is inadequate, does Congress want to encourage or require additional federal agency support for nongovernmental entities in campaign and election security, or reporting requirements for those entities to the federal government? Voters. Some federal public education campaigns, such as those to counter disinformation in elections, are aimed at individual voters. Overall, however, much of the federal role in campaign and election security emphasizes communication among government agencies or, in some cases, the private sector. If it determines that the status quo is inadequate, does Congress want to task federal agenciesâand if so, which onesâwith additional responsibility for educating voters about campaign and election security; to provide funding for nongovernmental organizations to do so, etc.? The scope of potential campaign and election security threats, and the federal government's role in responding to those threats, has changed substantially in less than five years. The foreign interference revealed during the 2016 cycleâand widely reported to be an ongoing threatâhas renewed congressional attention to campaign and election security and raised new questions. Whatever Congress determines about whether these or other questions are relevant for its consideration of campaign and election security policy, the issue is likely to remain prominent for the foreseeable future. Appendix. Legislation Related to Campaign and Election Security That Has Advanced Beyond Introduction, 116th Congress